PROPHECY OR SCHIZOPHRENIA? A STUDY OF PROPHECY IN THE OLD TESTAMENT AND SOME ALADURA CHURCHES IN SOUTH-WEST NIGERIA
BY
GBADEBO DAVID AYODEJI
MATRIC NO: 160122002/ PG211641557618

A PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIONS AND PEACE STUDIES, FACULTY OF ARTS

LAGOS STATE UNIVERSITY, OJO

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE

JANUARY, 2024
CERTIFICATION

I certify that this project was carried out by Gbadebo David Ayodeji with matric number 160122002/ PG211641557618 of the Department of Religious and Peace Studies, Faculty of Arts, Lagos State University, Ojo, under my supervision.

………………………… …………………………
DR Harmona, O.A Date
(Supervisor)

………………………….. ………………………….
Professor Paramole Date
H.O.D., Department of Religions and Peace Studies,
Lagos State University.

………………………………. …………………………….
External moderator

………………………………. ……………………………..
Professor Sanusi Date
Dean of Faculty of Art

TABLE OF CONTENTS
CERTIFICATION
DEDICATION
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE
Background to the Study
Statement of the Problem
Purpose of the Study
Research Questions
Objectives of the Study
Significance of the Study
Scope and Limitations
Definition of Operational Terms
End Notes

CHAPTER TWO
Literature Review
2.1. Overview of Prophecy in the Old Testament
2.1.1. The Concept of Prophecy and Prophetism
2.1.2. The Call of the Prophets
2.1.3. The Training of the Prophets – School of Prophets
2.1.4. The Assignment of the Prophets
2.1.5. The Locations of the Prophets
2.1.6. Language of the Prophets
2.1.7. Prophets Experience
2.2. Development of Prophecy in Ancient Israel
2.2.1. Prophecy in Biblical Sense
2.2.2. Prophecy in Ancient Israel
2.2.3. Prophetic Literature
2.3. Historical Development of Prophecy as Aladura Churches
2.3.1. Origin of the Aladura Movement
2.3.2. Common doctrines and perspectives of the Aladura Church
2.3.3. The Role of Prophets and Prophetess
2.3.4 Evolution of Prophetic Practices
2.3.5. Significance of Prophecy in Aladura Churches
End Notes

CHAPTER THREE
Prophecy and its Interface with Schizophremia

3.1. Introduction
3.2. Overview of Prophets in Ancient Israel
3.3. Prophets and Prophecy in Aladura Churches
3.3.1 Prophecy in Christ Apostolic Church
3.3.2. Prophecy in Cherubim and Seraphim (C&S) Unification Church
3.3.3. Prophets in Celestial Church of Christ (CCC)
3.4. The Relationship between Prophecy and Schizophrenia
3.4.1. Case studies or real-life examples of Individuals who were initially misdiagnosed as Schizophrenia due to their religious experiences.
3.5. Report on the Case Study from Mercy et al, 2020: A Complex Presentation of Paranoid Schizophrenia
3.6. Summarizing the key findings and insights from this chapter
End Notes
CHAPTER FOUR
Prophecy and Schizophrenia Today: Comparison, Application, and Mental Health

4.1. Introduction
4.2. Application to the 21st Century Church
4.2.1. God’s Revelation
4.2.2. A Gift to the Church
4.2.3. Not Public Address
4.2.4. For the Edification of the Churches
4.3. Comparative Analysis of Prophetic Ministry in the Old Testament and Contemporary Churches
4.3.1. Old Covenant Prophetic Ministry
4.3.2. Prophetic Ministry in Contemporary Church
4.4. Scholarly Perspectives on Prophecy and Mental Health
4.4.1. Abraham
4.4.2. Moses
4.4.3. Jesus
4.4.4 Paul (Saul of Tarsus)
End Notes

CHAPTER FIVE
Summary, Conclusion, and Recommendations

5.1. Summary
5.2. Conclusion
5.3. Recommendation
End Notes
Bibliography

CHAPTER ONE

1.1. Background of the Study

Religious institutions play a practical role in providing meaning to people’s lives by transforming individuals and communities through social transformation. Religion is a social phenomenon in addition to being primarily spiritual¹. Apart from the mystical experiences contained within religious convictions and customs, there are many concrete manifestations of religious events that impact people’s social lives.

The functionalist viewpoint, which holds that religion is necessary for society to function properly, lends support to this. This contrasts with some Western social theorists who emphasize that religion is an illusion and that as modern globalization increases, the phenomenon will either vanish or become increasingly weaker. But religion has changed everywhere and vanished nowhere. Many academics for example, have penned a great deal about the use of religion as a social change agent. Nonetheless, African-initiated churches have received less attention in the literature than Pentecostal and Missionary churches, which have focused on the social contributions and social transformation initiatives of these institutions. Although it is known that many African-initiated churches offer social capital, support for social transformation, and coping mechanisms in challenging situations, little is known about their function as development actors⁴. It is imperative to examine the social contributions made by Aladura churches, which represent a manifestation of African-established Christianity in the West African context of southwestern Nigeria.

The African Initiated Christianity (AIC) in Nigeria gave rise to a group of churches known as Ijo Elemi (Spiritual Churches) or Aladura (Praying Churches), which gained popularity during the second wave.

Ayegboyin claims that because of their ardent devotion to spirited prayer, they are known as Aladura. Their focus on the spirit has earned them the names Ijo Elemi (Yoruba) and Ishoshierrhi (Urhobo), even though their exorcism and spiritual healing work did lead to them being referred to as prophetic and healing ministries⁵. The Christ Apostolic Church (CAC), the Celestial Church of Christ (CCC), the Church of the Lord (Prayer Fellowship) Worldwide, and the movement of Cherubim and Seraphim (C & S) are the four churches that Ayegboyin has identified as being a part of this group, referred to as Aladura Churches.

These four establishments have their origins in the Yoruba-speaking community dwelling in the Nigerian Southwest. The term “owner of prayers” is defined as “Aladura.” An indication of the churches’ profound spirituality is their strong emphasis on prayer, hence the reason for their name. This distinctive variant of spirituality—which scholars have correctly dubbed Ijo Elemi “Aladura spirituality”—has stigmatized churches as more compatible with spiritual endeavors than with participation in programs aimed at social development. A revival movement in the 1930s gave rise to the Aladura Churches, which quickly spread throughout Yorubaland and became a powerful force in Western Nigerian society. Through a series of visions, Yoruba Anglican laborer Joseph Ayo Babalola was first exposed to the Precious Stone Society in 1959. His next role was that of General Evangelical preacher with the CAC, which grew to be Nigeria’s largest Aladura Church.

He emphasized the use of “water of life,” or blessed water, in healing rituals. Other well-known religious leaders of the period were Samuel Bilewu Oshoffa of the Celestial Church of Christ, Moses Orimolade Tunolase of Cherubim and Seraphim Church, and Josiah Olunowo Ositelu of the Church of the Lord Aladura.

Aladura Churches are accepted as Spiritual Churches in Nigeria. It is believed by Africans that the Mission Churches left a spiritual vacuum. Certain spiritual needs and concerns were not addressed by mission churches. Aladura churches can house them. The following quotes support this

One would logically anticipate that the promise of cura divina—divine healing—would draw a crowd in West African countries where there are relatively few hospitals and expensive medicine is out of reach for the majority of people. The most frequent excuse given for attending AICs is indeed illness. Many people have shared their stories of miracles, healings, and soundness as a result of their prayers being answered. People in question frequently assert that they sought medical attention from hospitals or traditional healers first. When the foreign doctors and herbalists failed them, they then turned to an indigenous church. (Paraphrased)

But Aladura Churches are more than just places of worship. They have made and will continue to make a substantial contribution to human progress and social transformation. Prophets, religion, and prophesy. The belief in prophets is a fundamental component of religious belief in Judaism’s Abrahamic faiths, Islam, and Christianity. Christians claim that, in a way similar to a development-fulfillment pattern, Christianity is essentially the fulfillment of messianic prophesies found in the Old Testament (O.T.). The Old Testament contained predictions about the arrival of Christ and the eventual formation of the Church of Christ and Christianity. Muslims maintain the same opinions about its connection to Christianity⁷.

When God’s sacred code for life was no longer effective in molding people and society, To reunite the populace with Himself and His ways, He created men. These are the people we call prophets. Occasionally, people’s faults were more the result of a proper priority being reversed. For example, sacrifices were meant to atone for transgressions; however, during certain eras in the history of the Old Testament, they were also considered as a replacement for ritualistic living and pleasing God. The prophets raised their good test at the moment when this kind of immoral situation emerged from the nation’s religious system.

Their goal was to bring the people back from false priorities and emphasize that obeying God’s commands and upholding His standards should be the people’s top priorities. The interpretation given above referring to the Hebrew term nabi, which signifies “a person chosen by God to convey His message,” is in agreement. Like the priesthood, God chose His prophets from a diverse array of origins; the prophetic calling was not hereditary. Some were originally reluctant to participate, such as Jonah and Jeremiah, especially after they understood what God had demanded of them.

The prophets brought God’s word to their contemporaries and us as well, emerging from their fellowship with Him (1 Kings 17:1). In addition to communicating God’s will (forth tell), he occasionally prophesies events (1 Samuel 10:1–14, Isa. 7:14, Jer. 28:15–30, Jer. 44:29–30). Regarding how they got the communications, we only know that “the word of the Lord came” (e.g., Jer. 47:1, Zech. 8:1).

Prophecy serves as a means of communication between the worlds of the divine and human and it has been a highly significant phenomenon in religious traditions throughout history. The Bible’s Old Testament is filled with stories of prophetic experiences that are relevant to Christianity. These individuals are referred to as prophets, and they are believed to have received messages from God and shared them with their communities⁸ The religious practices and beliefs of the ancient Israelites were shaped by these prophetic messages, which frequently included guidance, warnings, and promises⁹.

The concept of prophecy is one of the recurring themes in both the Bible and the Church. The Bible is referred to be the “prophecy of Scripture” because, according to 2 Pet1:20–21, all of the prophetic words were not inspired by the prophet’s interpretation, but rather were the result of human speech rather than human volition from God. Scripture also refers to the divine presence metaphor known as the “Holy Spirit” (Ps 51:11; Isa 63:10-11; Luke 11:13), the “Spirit of God” or the “Spirit of Christ” (e.g., Gen 1:2; Isa 40:13; John 4:24; Rom. 8:4, 9; 2 Cor 3:17; Phil 1:1,9), or “the Spirit of prophecy” (Rev. 19:10). 2. This makes the ideas of “Scripture” and “Holy Spirit” essential motifs in the examination of the phenomenon of prophecy¹⁰. An understanding of the function and significance of prophecy within the Judeo-Christian tradition can be achieved through an analysis of the Old Testament prophesies.

Prophecy wasn’t restricted to just predicting future occurrences; it included a broader range of tasks, such as advocating for God, deciphering dreams and visions, and bringing social injustices to light. Prophets were seen as go-betweens between the worlds of the divine and the human, and they were essential in communicating revelations from God and offering moral instruction to the Israelites.

The manifestation of prophetic experiences in modern religious contexts has drawn more attention in recent years. One such setting is the prophetic tradition that the Aladura churches in Nigeria have accepted as a fundamental part of their religious identity¹¹. In the early 20th century, the Aladura movement arose in opposition to colonialism and the need for a unique form of African Christianity. Through their prophetic practices, these churches emphasize deliverance, spiritual experiences, and divine healing¹².

The Yoruba term “Aladura” (literally, “praying people”) refers to the churches that place a high value on one’s ability to have intimate spiritual experiences. They think that the best ways to communicate with God and get spiritual direction are through prayer, laying on of hands, and prophetic utterances. Prophets and prophetesses are revered as special people with an enhanced capacity for communicating with the divine and giving messages to the congregation.

Comprehending the essence and expressions of prophecy in the Aladura churches is imperative to grasp the intricacies of religious conviction and conduct in Nigeria. These churches have drawn a sizable following across the nation as a result of their notable rise in influence and popularity. Members of the Aladura churches derive a great deal of hope, guidance, and a sense of divine connection from the prophetic traditions that are integral to their spiritual lives.

Many times, schizophrenia is a debilitating, long-term illness that affects many aspects of functioning. Based on the biopsychosocial model, the standard treatment for schizophrenia entails prescribing antipsychotic drugs, working with patients’ psychological needs, and family involvement¹³. The patient’s religious beliefs are not taken into account by this model of schizophrenia. But for people with schizophrenia, spiritual beliefs and creed are crucial aspects of their lives.

People with schizophrenia’s religious practices have been assessed by research. According to a Swiss study, around one-third of schizophrenia patients had very active religious communities (ibid). 10% more patients in the same research joined in religious activities that were specific to minorities. According to a related study carried out in a religious entity, one-third of the patients were very involved, and another third considered spirituality important to their lives and practiced daily spiritual activities outside of a religious organization.

Research from around the globe that evaluated the religious practices of people with mental illness implies that North America and Europe are common places for these^14,15. A study found that 68% of patients reported attending religious services or activities in public, whereas up to 91% of patients reported participating in spiritual or religious activities on their own¹⁶. Studies comparing religious activities in the general community and people with schizophrenia have indicated that patients are more religiously involved¹⁷, while other studies find that patients with schizophrenia attend church less frequently¹⁸.

Callaghan (2015) investigated the relationship between Christians’ perceptions of experiences that resembled psychosis and their religious convictions. Religious or spiritual hallucinations or delusions, such as hearing God’s voice, seeing visions of religious figures, or conversing with ghostly beings, are frequently a part of these experiences. Beyond the mental health system, these equivocal expressions can also be seen in popular media representations, like psychic television hosts conversing with ghosts. It can be difficult and complex to distinguish between psychotic and spiritual experiences because different academics and practitioners have different ideas about what constitutes each. In the mental health industry, the medical model and religious/spiritual explanations are two commonly employed frameworks to explain these mysterious psychotic-like spiritual experiences¹⁹.

Throughout history, a major component of religious traditions has been prophecy. Many stories of prophetic experiences can be found in the Bible’s Old Testament, which emphasizes the significance of people who professed to receive messages from God and share them with their communities. The prophetic tradition has been embraced by the Aladura churches in Nigeria, which place a strong emphasis on deliverance, spiritual experiences, and divine healing. However, there have been disagreements and arguments over how to distinguish between true prophecy and mental illnesses, especially schizophrenia.

Throughout religious history, prophecy has been an important tool for facilitating communication between the divine and human realms. There are numerous accounts of prophetic experiences in the Bible’s Old Testament. Those who proclaim to be prophets are those who say they have heard from God and have shared their messages with their communities. The religious practices and beliefs of the ancient Israelites were shaped by these prophetic messages, which frequently included guidance, warnings, and promises. Thus, in the Judeo-Christian tradition, prophecy has enormous religious and cultural significance.

The Aladura churches in Nigeria have embraced the prophetic tradition, placing a strong emphasis on deliverance, spiritual experiences, and divine healing. In the early 20th century, the Aladura movement arose in opposition to colonialism and the aspiration for a unique African Christianity. These churches have grown in popularity and membership as a result of their members’ desire for intimate spiritual experiences through worship, prayer, and prophetic rituals. One of the main tenets of the Aladura churches’ religious identity and spiritual expression is the phenomenon of prophecy.

We seek to understand two distinct categories of divine messages in this study. The first type is known as “biblical prophecy,” which refers to messages recorded in the Bible from a very distant time. “Contemporary prophetic experiences” are the second category, consisting of messages people claim to be receiving from God in the present day. Our objective is to analyze the parallels and discrepancies between these two types of messages. Occasionally, people may become perplexed and believe that the signs they receive from God are indications of a mental illness known as schizophrenia. Therefore, we also want to know if there’s any way that these two concepts could be confused or misinterpreted. Our goal in conducting this research is to find out more about how individuals receive messages from God and whether there is a link between these messages and schizophrenia. To better assist and support those who go through these experiences, we must comprehend these things. Therefore, the goal of this research is to investigate the phenomenon of prophecy and its possible connection to schizophrenia, with an emphasis on the Old Testament and a few Aladura churches in Nigeria.

1.2 Problem Statement 

The phenomenon of prophecy, characterized by individuals claiming to receive divine messages and communicating them to their communities, has been significant in religious traditions throughout history. The Bible’s Old Testament, which is relevant to Christianity, is full of stories of prophetic experiences that influenced the religious practices and beliefs of the ancient Israelites. Similarly, prophecy holds great significance for the Aladura churches in Nigeria, where it is a fundamental part of their religious identity.

When thinking about how prophetic experiences manifest and how they might be mistaken for or overlap with schizophrenia symptoms, there is a crucial point to consider. Many people who claim to have had prophetic experiences in religious contexts do not have mental health issues, but there are some ambiguous presentations, such as hearing voices or seeing visions, that are similar to symptoms of schizophrenia. It can be difficult to distinguish between symptoms of mental illnesses and authentic religious experiences because of this ambiguity.

It is important to carefully consider the differences between real prophetic experiences and symptoms of mental health issues because they are intricate. Gaining a deeper comprehension of the nature of prophecy in biblical and modern religious contexts, along with any possible links to mental health, is imperative. By tackling these problems, this study aims to explore the similarities and differences between biblical prophecy and contemporary prophetic experiences within the Aladura churches, specifically focusing on the potential overlap or misinterpretation of prophetic phenomena and symptoms of schizophrenia.

By examining the subtleties and complexity of prophetic experiences and their interpretations within religious and mental health contexts, this study aims to close the research gap that currently exists. Through investigating people’s perceptions, beliefs, and experiences within the Aladura churches, this study seeks to advance our understanding of how prophecy is understood and interpreted in both the biblical story and modern religious practices.

This research has practical implications for religious leaders and mental health professionals who work with people who present with confusing experiences that overlap with psychiatric and religious phenomena. Gaining a nuanced understanding of these experiences is crucial to ensuring that the right kind of support is given.

In conclusion, the goal of this research is to investigate the issue of possible confusion or overlap between symptoms of schizophrenia and prophetic phenomena. This study aims to expand our knowledge of the nature of prophecy by examining the parallels and discrepancies between biblical prophecy and modern prophetic experiences within the Aladura churches and its interpretations, as well as any links that might exist in religious contexts between mental health and prophetic experiences.

1.3 Purpose of the Study

By analyzing prophecy in the Old Testament and some Aladura Churches in Nigeria, this study aims to investigate the parallels and discrepancies between schizophrenia and prophecy. Through a comparative analysis, this study strives to enhance our knowledge of the nature and expressions of prophecy while taking into account any possible overlap or misinterpretation between schizophrenia symptoms and prophetic phenomena.

1.4 Research Questions

This study aims to investigate the following research questions:

i. What are the main features and ideas of Old Testament prophecy?

ii.       How do the biblical prophecies compare to the current prophetic experiencestaking place in Aladura churches?

iii.        What parallels and divergences exist between schizophrenia symptoms and prophecy manifestations?

iv.       How do members of the churches in Aladura view and understand prophetic experiences?

v.      How might this affect how people understand mental health and prophecy in religious contexts?

1.5 Objectives of the Study 

The following objectives will guide the study and assist in achieving the aim:

i. To investigate the traits and topics of prophecy discovered in the Old Testament, such as prophets’ roles and functions as well as the characteristics of prophetic messages.

ii.       Examining current prophetic experiences in the churches of Aladura and contrasting them with biblical prophecy narratives to find parallels and discrepancies in their expressions and interpretations.

iii.       To look into possible overlaps or misinterpretations between schizophrenia symptoms and prophetic phenomena to comprehend how challenging it might be to distinguish between real religious experiences and mental health conditions.

iv. To investigate how members of the Aladura churches view and interpret prophetic experiences, as well as their attitudes, beliefs, and comprehension of the connection between mental health and prophetic phenomena.

v. To consider how the study’s findings might affect how people understand prophecy and how it relates to mental health in religious settings, offering guidance to mental health professionals, religious authorities, and people going through similar experiences.

1.6 Significance of the Study

This study is crucial for several reasons. Firstly, it will broaden our understanding of prophecy about religious contexts. By examining the characteristics and subjects of Old Testament prophecy, as well as contrasting them with contemporary prophetic experiences among the Aladura churches, this study illuminates the continuity and evolution of prophetic traditions over time. It improves our understanding of how prophecy influences people’s spiritual lives, religious practices, and beliefs under different conditions.

Secondly, this research addresses the difficult issue of distinguishing symptoms of mental health conditions from authentic religious experiences. Mental health professionals and religious leaders may face challenges when addressing unclear experiences that resemble both schizophrenia symptoms and supernatural events in religion. By analyzing the possible overlap or misinterpretation of schizophrenic symptoms and prophetic phenomena, this study advances our understanding of these experiences. Enhancing our ability to differentiate between symptoms of mental health issues and religious experiences allows for more accurate evaluations and appropriate assistance for individuals who present with these unclear experiences.

The findings of this research hold significance for individuals working in the domains of religion and mental health. Psychological well-being professionals may find the insights gleaned from this research helpful when dealing with individuals describing confused experiences that resemble both psychiatric and religious events. As a result, they are better able to understand the complexities at play and provide sensitive, effective support to those going through similar experiences. Similarly, religious leaders can receive guidance on how to interact with, understand, and uplift members of their communities who present with ambiguous prophetic experiences within the religious context.

Moreover, this study has wider implications for our comprehension of the connection between religion and psychological well-being. It examines how prophetic experiences are interpreted and perceived in Aladura churches, which contributes to our understanding of how members of religious communities view and interpret these phenomena. By providing insightful information about the cultural, sociological, and theological aspects of prophetic experiences, it adds to conversations about religious identity, spiritual expression, and mental health.

In summary, this study is important because it sheds light on how religious contexts interpret prophecy, discusses the challenges associated with interpreting ambiguous experiences, explores the possibility of a connection between symptoms of mental health disorders and religious phenomena, and offers practical recommendations for mental health practitioners, religious leaders, as well as individuals negotiating these situations. It deepens our comprehension of the interplay between spirituality and psychological well-being, resulting in a more comprehensive understanding of the complexities involved and promoting compassionate and informed support in these circumstances.

1.7 Scope and Limitations 

This study’s focus is on examining the parallels and discrepancies between modern prophetic experiences and biblical prophecy in the context of Nigeria’s Aladura churches. It includes a look at the traits and themes of Old Testament prophecy, a comparison of modern prophetic experiences in the churches of Aladura, and a discussion of how prophetic phenomena and schizophrenia symptoms might overlap or be misinterpreted.

It is imperative to recognize specific constraints, though. First off, because the study’s focus is only on the South-West Nigerian churches of Aladura, it’s possible that the conclusions cannot be applied to other religious contexts or prophetic traditions. It is possible that the prophetic practices of the Aladura churches are not the same as those of other denominations or cultural contexts, as they represent a particular subset of Christian religious activities in Nigeria.

Second, qualitative research techniques like observations and interviews are the mainstay of this study. The results of qualitative research can be arbitrary and situation-specific, even though they offer deep and complex insights into people’s experiences and interpretations. Thus, care should be taken when extrapolating the results to larger groups of people or drawing firm conclusions about the nature of prophetic experiences in contexts related to mental health or religion.

Finally, this study focuses on how prophetic phenomena and schizophrenia symptoms may overlap or be misinterpreted. It is not intended to evaluate mental health conditions or offer clinical diagnoses. Rather than using expert psychiatric assessments, the interpretation of prophetic experiences within the Aladura churches and the investigation of possible mental health issues are based on the participants’ self-reported experiences and perceptions.

Despite these drawbacks, the research adds to our understanding of the connection between religious experiences and psychological well-being issues, provides insightful information about the dynamics of prophecy within the Aladura churches, and clarifies the interpretation of prophetic experiences.

1.8 Definition of Operational Terms 

Prophecy: For this research, prophecy is the practice of people claiming to have received messages from God and sharing them with their communities. It involves a range of tasks like ecclesiastical speaking, dream and vision interpretation, and moral counseling.

Old Testament: The Christian Bible’s first book, the Old Testament is home to sacred writings that form the basis of both Judaism and Christianity. It includes writings that document the laws, poetry, prophecies, and history of the ancient Israelites.

Aladura Churches: Aladura churches are a group of Christian churches in Nigeria that were founded by Africans and place a strong emphasis on prayer, deliverance, divine healing, and prophetic practices. Due to colonialism, these churches arose in the early 20th century and have a unique African Christian identity.

 Schizophrenia: Chronic mental illness typified by abnormalities in perception, thinking, feeling, and behavior. Symptoms like hallucinations, delusions, disordered thinking, and social disengagement are frequently present.

End Notes

1. Akindolie, Akinwumi Ambrose. Master’s thesis, Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, 2012.
2. Akinwumi Akindolie. “Aladura Churches as agents of social transformation in South-West Nigeria.” 4324/9780367823825-12, 2020.
3. Tachin, P. “The Nigerian Church in Its Social Context in African Christianity in Local and Global Contexts.” In A Festschrift in Honour of Rev. Professor Isaac Deji Ayegboyin at 70, edited by S. A. Fatokun, J. K. Ayantayo, O. O. Familusi, S. M. Mepaiyeda, and S. O. Okanlawon, 393,
4. Öhlmann, P., Frost, M-L. & Gräb, W. “African Initiated Churches’ potential as development actors”, HTS Teologiese Studies/ Theological Studies 72(4), a3825. http://dx.doi. org/10.4102/hts.v72i4.3825,
5. Ayegboyin, Deji Isaac. “Taxonomy and Revolution in African Christianity: The Nigerian Experience.” Inaugural lecture for the 2016/2017 academic session, 9 November, 2017, University of Ibadan, 2017.
6. Ayegboyin Deji Isaac, and S. Ademola Ishola. “African Indigenous Churches: An Historical Perspective.” Lagos: Greater Height Publications. 1997
7. Adekoya, Julius. “The Relevance and Challenges of Prophecy and the Prophet-hood of Jesus in the Bible and the Qur’an for religious dialogue.” 2018.
8. Smith, G.V. “Prophet.” International Standard Bible Encyclopedia. Revised edition. Grand Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. 2015
9. Hayes, Christine. “Literary Prophecy: Amos,” Lecture 16. Introduction to the Old Testament, Open Yale Courses, https://oyc.yale.edu/religiousstudies/rlst-145/lecture-16.
10. Samuel W. Muindi. Unpublished Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 2012.
11. Adedibu, B.A., “The changing faces of African Independent Churches as development actors across borders”, 2018.
12. Bujo, B. “African Theology in its Social Context.” New York: Orbis Books,
13. Grover S., Triveni D., Subho C. “Religion, Spirituality, and Schizophrenia: A Review,” Indian Journal of Psychological Medicine, Apr – Jun 2014, Vol 36, Issue 2,
14. Kirov G, Kemp R, Kirov K, David AS. “Religious faith after psychotic illness.” Psychopathology; 31:234-45, 2016
15. Neeleman J, Lewis G. “Religious identity and comfort beliefs in three groups of psychiatric patients and a group of medical controls.” 2014
16. Nolan JA, McEvoy JP, Koenig HG, Hooten EG, Whetten K, Pieper CF. “Religious coping and quality of life among individuals living with schizophrenia.” Psychiatr Serv; 63:1051-4. 2012
17. Mohr S, Huguelet P. “The relationship between schizophrenia and religion and its implications for care.” Swiss Med Wkly; 134:369-76. 2014
18. Cohen CI, Jimenez C, Mittal S. “The role of religion in the well-being of older adults with schizophrenia.” Psychiatr Serv; 61:917-22. 2010
19. Callaghan J. “‘If you talk to our talk to God, y o God, you are praying; if God talks t ying; if God talks to you, you have schizophrenia’: distinctions between psychosis and spiritual experience among Christians” Master’s Thesis, Smith College, Northampton, MA. https://scholarworks.smith.edu/theses/714. 2015

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Overview of Prophecy in the Old Testament

Today, prophecy and prophetism are the most spoken about and commonly accepted topics in the Church, but they are also the most misunderstood and abused. Clear explanations and discussions of the subject are found throughout both Testaments. Similarly, a lot of articles and textbooks now either reexamine or explain the topic. Prophecy spans back to the Bible, but the Church of Jesus Christ is as contemporary¹.

2.1.1 The Concepts of Prophecy and Prophetism

Most often, “prophet” is translated from the Hebrew word nābhi. The closest cognate to this word is probably Akkna’tu, though the term nabû, meaning “diviner,” is now found at Mari. This word is most likely not of Hebrew origin. This Hebrew word, which is a term that is most likely a gerund, implies that prophecy in Israel was not a peculiar phenomenon unconnected to beliefs and customs outside of Israel. On the other hand, it is feasible to view Israelite prophecy as a notion and a practice that Israel shared with other nations and cultures where they were inhabitants and had spiritual experiences. Other words are also employed in the biblical tradition to define people who behaved in a way that Israel imagined its prophets to behave. According to scripture (1 Samuel 9:9), the prophet (nābhi’) was once called a seer (rō’eh). The following two terms are also occasionally used to refer to the position: visionary (hōzeh) and man of God (˒ iš’ hā’ĕlōhim).

Prophecy, rō’eh, hōzeh, and iϡ’ hā’ĕlōhim, which translate to “man of God,” are highly significant Hebrew words that may have had particular meanings in the past. As per Blenkinsopp, the term “man of God,” which was formerly used to denote a person possessing supernatural and potentially lethal power, was applied to well-known early prophets such as Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha. Take, for example, how Samson’s mother, taken aback by the spectacular nature of her heavenly visitation, thought he was a man of God (Judg, 13:6, 8)².

It might not be appropriate to make inferences based solely on the usage of these different names. It’s difficult for academics to pinpoint any specific subtle O.T. usage of these traits. For example, in David’s court, Nathan is called a “nābhî” and Gad a “ḥōzeh,” even though their roles were not different from one another. Moreover, the traditional Hebrew term for “prophecy,” nābhî’, actually signifies “one who is called” or “one who is appointed,” implying that the individual is called by God. Aaron Chalmers says that the Hebrew term means “to name, announce, or call, ³” just like its Akkadian counterpart, nabū(m). It is still debatable what the word means when used actively (as in “speaker, proclaimer”) and passively (as in “one who is named, called”). Although either explanation would fit the way the prophets are presented in the O.T., scholars tend to favor the passive view (ibid).

According to Amos 7:10–17, the priest Amaziah calls Amos a “ḥōzeh.” “I am not anābhî,” Amos responds as if the two names were interchangeable. Scholars thus describe a flattening-out process that led to the loss of distinctiveness in the various designations, and the term “nābhî'” eventually became synonymous with various forms of Israelite prophetic intermediation. The passage 1 Samuel 9:9 states, “The one who is now called a prophet (nābhî’) was formerly called a seer (rō’eh),” suggesting that any original meanings associated with the various titles had been forgotten even from a fairly early time.

2.1.2 The Call of the Prophets

The prophets of Israel were specially chosen by God to fulfill a specific divine mission. An extraordinary “call experience” set one prophet apart from the others. Max Weber’s work has attracted a lot of scholarly attention because of his emphasis on the charismatic and supernatural aspects of being a prophet⁴. Blenkinsopp claims that the prophetic associations, also referred to as “the sons of the prophets,” were mainly composed of members of underprivileged social and economic groups. One example of an outside force that might have affected these tribes is the Philistine incursion into Israel’s hill country heartland, which was brought on by a lack of resources, overcrowding, or a string of unsatisfactory harvests.

It is plausible that the prophets were chosen from among the males, particularly the younger sons, who faced social, political, or military pressures that caused their families to disapprove of them. Like the medieval monastic oblates, some people—like Samuel—appear to have followed a sanctuary. According to some of their contemporaries, they were severely eccentric and insane, and all the evidence points to their low social and economic status. Still, a great deal of the prophets who wrote for Israel came from prosperous backgrounds. Whereas Ezekiel was a priest or a member of a priestly family, Jeremiah is said to have come from a Benjaminite priestly family that traced its lineage back to the Shiloh priesthood (Jer. 1:1–3).

Despite not coming from a family of priests, Amos seems to have led a fairly comfortable life. Furthermore, the book’s title calls him a “sheep-breeder” (nōqēd, Amos 1:1), in addition to calling him a “herdsman” and a “dresser of sycamore trees” in 7:14.

Importantly, remember that the term “nōqēd” is limited to one other person in the OT, King Mesha of Moab, despite the first tendency to write Amos off as a simpleton and inexperienced farmer (2 Kings 3:4). Amos gave the impression of being a prosperous sheep breeder in charge of large flocks and a large shepherding staff, rather than your average shepherd.

Accordingly, some scholars have determined that Amos would have been regarded as one of the notable, well-known, and respected men in his town. This idea that the prophets wrote as members of Israel’s upper classes may not apply to Micah, whose proximity to Moresheth suggests he came from a “provincial,” agricultural background.

Apart from the limited personal details found in the prophetic writings, the oracles ascribed to these prophets imply that they belonged to the educated upper classes in Israel. Blenkinsopp claims that they are aware of Israel’s role in these issues, and have a fair amount of rhetorical and literary skill, and knowledge of world history and politics (Ibid).

Moreover, a man or woman of Israel could become a prophet. There were no restrictions based on someone’s gender, upbringing, social standing, or financial circumstances. But all of Israel’s prophets who left written records came from the educated upper classes, and some of those who left no record at all probably came from the same background, suggesting that the benefits of this background might have extended to those who aspired to be prophets as well.

2.1.3 The Training of the Prophets – School of Prophets

The prevailing argument was that since the prophet had already received a heavenly summons and divine revelation, there was no necessity for prophetic instruction. However, this raises the question of whether any of Israel’s prophets possessed any formal education, a matter that requires further contemplation. For instance, official instruction may have been provided to cult prophets at important cult centers like the Jerusalem temple. If the priests’ example is any indication, it is likely that other prominent temple staff, such as cult prophets, received formal training to effectively carry out their duties. It is plausible to consider the existence of a similar institution for prophets, assuming the presence of a training school associated with the Jerusalem temple for priests. It is likely that future prophets in this context encountered numerous prophetic traditions and acquired the fundamental skills of prophetic communication.

It is plausible that the education received by members of the prophetic guilds or societies (benđhannebî’îm) differed. Each member of the guild receives teaching from a more senior prophetic figure in what appears to be an apprenticeship- or discipleship-based educational method by these groups. The following people are mentioned: Samuel (1 Samuel 9:18–24), Elijah (2 Kings 2:1–18), and Elisha (2 Kings 4:1–7, 38–41; 6:1–7, etc.) as leaders of these groupings, and they had to train their followers. In 2 Kings 4:38 and 6:1-2, the guild members are described as “sitting at his (Elisha’s) feet,” indicating a form of training that is somewhat regimented. “To sit at someone’s feet” is translated as “to be a learner of” by Baumgartner5. Regretfully, this instruction’s details are not provided. However, when Lang describes the defining characteristics of these groups as “the transmission of the prophetic heritage and widespread practice in meditation and ecstasy” he is probably not too far off. (Ibid)

But what about the writers who were prophets? Are there any facts to substantiate the claim that they received formal training? Better yet would be to get in touch with each prophet and ask them to answer this question in its entirety. When considered collectively, however, they show a clear mastery of the prophets’ customary speech patterns, an awareness of prophetic customs and the history of Israel (Jer. 28:8–9) suggesting that they were familiar with the writings of previous prophets), and a broad understanding of the geopolitical environment of their day. It appears more likely that this information was acquired through formal education, though it is possible that it was simply learned through immersion in ancient Israelite society. Nonetheless, none of the prophetic writings would prevent the prophets from being called by God and from getting guidance in addition to it. It is impossible to determine, though, if this was done formally or informally, or if the instruction was extremely prophetic or covered a wider ground, given the state of knowledge at this time.

2.1.4 The Assignment of the Prophets

Expressing the opinion of the Lord was one of the most significant things the Israelite prophets accomplished. They were tasked with sharing the gospel, but their role did not just consist of speaking. The prophets of Israel perform a variety of “symbolic actions” to graphically communicate God’s revelation. The prophets’ main responsibility was to deliver God’s message to His people, but they usually went above and beyond in their work. They had the responsibility of representing both God and humanity to God. This is demonstrated, for example, by how various prophets assisted the populace through prayer and healing offerings.

2.1.5 The Locations of the Prophets

Upon close inspection of the O.T. text, Rather than being isolated, lone figures, the majority of Israel’s prophets would have been found at the royal court or in one of the country’s sanctuaries. Stated differently, they stood at the heart of Israeli society. Chalmers recommends three locations; these are addressed below:

The first category is places of worship: In ancient Israel, the most common place to find a prophet would have been one of the country’s many sanctuaries, especially the Jerusalem temple. Prophets who write and those who do not are associated with Israel’s cultic institutions in distinct ways. The “sons of the prophets” [benēhannebîm], for instance, were a group of people who lived together in the early days of the nation’s prophetic history, in or around Israel’s principal sites of worship, such as Bethel (2 Kings 2:3) and Gilgal (2 Kings 4:38). 1 Samuel 10:5 has a related story of “the band of prophets coming down from the high place with harp, tambourine, flute, and lyre before them, prophesying.” But it’s not clear if these prophets were wandering between several shrines or had installed themselves at the summit. In any event, the local cult center would have been the most logical place for an Israelite looking for such a group to start.

Eventually, Amos makes his way to the north, to Bethel’s haven. It is important to keep in mind that these sites functioned as important social hubs where people congregated and interacted, even though their distinct religious importance may have made them alluring. They thereby offered the prophet access to a big, pre-existing audience.

Numerous prophets were probably found inside or nearby to the Jerusalem temple’s walls given its size and significance. A growing number of academics now recognize the existence of specialized “cult prophets,” who would have made their living primarily from the Jerusalem temple and whose primary prophetic activity would have taken place there. Some prophets may have resided within the temple itself, according to the evidence (see Jer. 35:4). In fact, several verses make it abundantly evident that the hub of priestly and prophetic activity was the House of the Lord (see, for example, Jer. 23:11 and Lam. 2:20). While Jeremiah is mentioned in the written prophets (Jer. 7 and 28), he does not appear to have been an official member of the organization during his oracles. Probably, cult prophets Nahum, Joel, and Habakkuk were also (Ibid).

Secondly, prophets have also been found in significant political locations, including royal courts in the holy shrines as well as the Northern and Southern Kingdoms. Hutton argues that because of the supremacy of the court in social structure and its control over funds, it was only natural for it to be the principal patron of prophetic intermediation.⁶

The two “court prophets” who made the greatest impact under Gad and Nathan served as David’s leaders. Gad’s designation in 2 Samuel 24:11 as “David’s seer” instead of “Yahweh’s prophet” alludes to the intimate bond that existed between King David and his prophets. However, a plethora of evidence points to the fact that these court prophets were active throughout Israel’s history, not just under David’s rule. For instance, 1 Kings 22 suggests that the Israelite king consulted at least 400 prophets before going to war. 1 Kings 18:19 provides evidence that several prophets who were not Yahwistic felt comfortable in the royal court.

All of the prophets who left written records are not likely to have been “court prophets” in the conventional sense; their work may have occasionally brought them into proximity to the nation’s rulers. By contrast, Jeremiah is called by King Zedekiah to the palace to deliver a prophecy (Jeremiah 22) after the latter meets with King Zedekiah (Jeremiah 21). For instance, it appears that over thirty years, Isaiah had contacts with several of Judah’s kings, most notably Hezekiah.

Third, Independent Prophets: Although it is very likely that many of the prophets in Israel, including some of the authors, belonged to the major political and religious organizations of their day, a small number decided to live apart from these. These prophets either deliberately drew people to them or made it their mission to move around as they worked. One well-known instance of a self-sufficient prophet is Elisha. Even though he is usually depicted as a prophet and resides in Samaria in motion, carrying out his prophetic duties throughout Israel and the surrounding countries. On several occasions, the prophet started the practice of advising the Israelite king (2 Kings 6:8–23). Elisha has, however, also made other attempts to see if Elisha would recover from his illness, King Ben-hadad of Aram sent Hazael to meet him when he arrived in Damascus (2 Kings 8:7–10). Another one of these prophets is Micah (1 Kings 22). Even though the Israelite king is aware of Micah and makes an effort to find him, he is unrestricted by his formal connections to the royal court. All things considered, it would be reasonable to include most of the prophets who wrote about Israel in this group. Though it’s possible that they occasionally visited the country’s royal courts or sanctuaries to fulfill their prophecy-related duties, the majority had no continuous connection with either.

2.1.6. Language of the Prophets

Today, a reader is most likely struck by the prophets’ language. The prophets used verse to communicate, and some of their writings are practically unmatched in all of literature. However, some proverbs are too enigmatic, too constrained, or too associated with a specific context to have a clear meaning in modern times. These passages can, however, occasionally contain powerful imagery that haunts the reader. The prophets believe that God is their inspiration and that God is speaking through them. The most prevalent proof of this belief is the consistent “Thus says the Lord.” In the ancient Near East, there are additional examples of this kind of messenger formula, spoken by an ambassador to the court from one monarch to another. The prophets’ language is exemplified by this form and formula, which frequently incorporates speech patterns or oral forms from everyday or routine life.

There are many more instances of similar speech patterns borrowed from a variety of activities. One setting where prophets could use a variety of these forms to deliver their message was the judge’s court. The prosecutor’s charge, the defendant’s claim, the judge’s summons, or the cries of the wrongfully convicted could all be examples of these. Several prophets also imitated songs and parables. The prophets often employed a form known as the “Woe oracle,” which appears to have been influenced even by the funeral service.

2.1.7 Prophetic Experience

The emphasis on the Holy Spirit as the source of inspiration and motivation for prophetic words is the most noticeable change in the post-exilic era. Ezekiel 3:12, 8:3, 11:1, and 24 tell of how the Spirit of Yahweh moves him. The Spirit of Yahweh is referred to as the inspiration for the prophetic word in Trito-Isaiah (Isa. 61:1), and Haggai and Zechariah also frequently mention the Spirit (Zech. 4:6; 7:12; Hag. 1:14; 2:5). Joel 3:1–2 expressly mentions the prophecy gift that arises from the fullness of God’s Spirit. Pre-exilic prophets are well known for rarely mentioning the Spirit, which is a compelling indication of a change in how the prophetic experience is understood.

Petersen suggests that it might be more appropriate to ask as given that their ancestors and heirs seemed to think that this was the most appropriate terminology to use when explaining prophetic abilities, one might wonder why the great pre-exilic prophets of antiquity avoided speaking of the Spirit of Yahweh at all.

There may be a more significant shift behind the trend in post-exilic prophetic literature toward a greater focus on dreams and visions. Joel’s passage glosses over the fact that everyone can have prophetic gifts: “Your sons and daughters shall prophesy, your old men shall dream dreams, and your young men shall see visions.”

2.2 Development of Prophecy in Ancient Israel

2.2.1 Prophecy in Biblical Sense

In Judaism, the idea of prophecy forms the basis of the authority of the Bible’s traditions. Many people have reportedly received direct revelations from God, according to the Bible. The tradition that followed views the revelation given to Moses as the pinnacle of prophecy. We meet God concerning man in the patriarchal accounts, speaking with him directly. This, however, is not prophecy in the strict sense of the word because the biblical understanding of prophecy requires that the prophet be given a message to convey. Moses, who is mentioned in the Book of Exodus, is the only other example of a prophet sent to proclaim the word of God to the people.

Stated differently, prophecy has a social component. It transcends a purely personal religious encounter. God sends Moses to impart His message to the people. But unlike the other prophets, Moses was able to prophesy. Firstly, according to the Bible, he is in direct contact with God, whereas the other prophets are said to see God in visions or trances. Secondly, he bears the combined attributes of a prophet, lawgiver, king, and priest (if we may use the Hellenistic description) ⁷.

2.2.2 Prophecy in Ancient Israel

The Bible provides a historical account of prophecy in ancient Israel. Except for Moses, the first prophets recorded in the Bible were seers—magnificent people who predicted while in a trance usually induced by dancing and singing. As guilds were formed, they were often referred to as “the sons of the prophets.” The master-disciple relationship served as the foundation for the guilds, which were intended to pass on a prophecy tradition. There is no hard evidence that the moral and religious unrest of the day was caused in any way by these prophets. They could have been future-focused prophets.

The prophet’s function had started to shift by the time of the first kings, Saul, David, and Solomon. It seems that in the immediate aftermath of the conquest, the kings inherited the political and military aspects of the judge’s role while also acquiring some of the charismatic qualities of the judges. The prophet is portrayed as a religious role model in the king’s court early in the monarchy, deeply involved in court matters and able to chastise the ruler with sharp parables.

Some scholars suggest that the major cultic sites may have been associated with other, lesser-known prophets. Throughout the reigns of Elijah and Elisha, prophets were common in both the northern and southern kingdoms, and they often disagreed with the kings. They had certainly assumed their well-known role as critics of the Israelite society of the day, even though they had not yet reached the maturity of literary figures.

In the ninth century B.C.E., the social evils that plagued the country and syncretistic worship were the two main sins of the day that the minor prophets of Judah and Israel—so named because of the abundance of writings they produced—were harshly criticized. The prophets would be preoccupied with these two problems for years to come. Their demands included the elimination of even the slightest involvement in idolatry and the rectification of injustices directed toward the impoverished and unlanded classes. They demonstrated quite clearly that living a life devoid of true moral and ethical principles did not justify fulfilling religious obligations.

A prophet in ancient Israel was a messenger from Yahweh. Yahweh uses the Prophet to communicate. After closely examining passages like Exodus 7:1 and Deuteronomy 18:18, it became clear that prophetic operations consist of two components. The other is active, and the former is passive. The audience receives oracles from the prophet through verbal communications, visions, or dreams, which they convey verbally or through outward acts of prophecy. See also Num. 12:6–8, Isa. 6–10, Jer. 1–10, Eze. 3:1–4, 17–19. The passive element is the more crucial of the two functional elements since it governs or controls the active element. Delivery is impossible without the oracles being received. Someone who receives an oracle from Yahweh and delivers it unedited is a true prophet. It should be noted, though, that a person receiving a divine message need not be a prophet. Nebuchadnezzar, Pharaoh, and Abimelech are a few instances of such men. Berkhof claims that a person becomes a prophet when they are called by God, receive instructions, and feel inspired to share divine oracles with their audience⁸.

It was the prophets’ responsibility to convey God’s will to the people. This came in the form of warnings, exhortations, promises, or severe reprimands most of the time. The Prophets functioned as the people’s ministerial law interpreters and watchdogs. Ancient Israelite prophets were recognized for their commitment to promoting justice and truth, stressing moral duty, opposing mere formalism, and supporting spiritual pursuits. It was their duty to bring the nations that were regressing to Yahweh. It was their responsibility to inform the populace of God’s upcoming promises. They give their audience a preview of what’s in store. According to the Bible, Yahweh’s true prophets in Israel and Judah are a type of great prophet to come (Deut. 18:5; Acts 3:23–24), and Yahweh was already working through them (I Pet. 1:11).

God has sometimes spoken to humans through men throughout human history. The prophets were viewed by the Israelites as Yahweh’s spokesperson. It was thought that Yahweh called and commissioned prophets in ancient Israel to receive and impart oracles to their peers. In ancient Israel, a prophet’s primary responsibility was to convey to his people Yahweh’s thoughts⁹.

A pertinent question in the study of Old Testament prophecy is when communicating with the Prophets, how does Yahweh express his intentions or thoughts? This has become crucial in light of the conflicting prophecies made by the Prophets in Yahweh’s name. A few academics contended that the individual who spoke and witnessed his prophecies fulfilled was an authentic embodiment of Yahweh. They use the Deuteronomist standard for authentic prophets to bolster their position. Vangemere noted beneath that:

The prophet (nabi) was a spokesman for God with the distinct call to be the ambassador of God. Every Prophet was “like Moses” and conformed to the seven criteria set forth in the Mosaic revelation: (1) he was an Israelite; (2) called by the Lord; and (3) empowered by the Holy Spirit; (4) he served as God’s spokesperson; (5) his authority lay in speaking in the name of the Lord; (6) he was a good shepherd over God’s people; and (7) he vindicated his message by signs¹⁰.

The above submission clearly shows that a messenger from Yahweh would tell his audience exactly what he had heard from the Almighty. Whether the oracle comes to pass or not doesn’t concern the prophet. His main responsibility was to speak as directed. As was previously noted, genuine prophets occasionally prophesied things that did not come to pass. The prophecy can be reversed or postponed, preventing both the hearer and the prophet from coming to pass during their lifetimes. The prophecy made in Isaiah 38:1–8 regarding King Hezekiah’s demise serves as a prime example. In light of this, it makes sense to conclude that the individual who was not sent by Yahweh was a false Prophet.

In ancient Israel, prophets were seen as agents of social change. Prophets like Jeremiah, Elijah, and Elisha, for instance, were actively involved in the political and social life of their times. In the context of their interactions with the governmental and religious authorities of their day, their prophetic ministries gained popularity¹¹. At this point, it should be mentioned that some academics have divided ancient Israelite prophets into two groups. Central and peripheral are what they are¹². The prophets who functioned within the sphere of the seat of power are the important figures. Wealth, social power, and status are all within reach of these prophets. The outcasts who have been excluded from the central power society for reasons best known to the ruling class of their era are known as the peripheral prophets. Following a careful examination of the prophetic legacy in ancient Israel, Jeremiah, Elisha, and Elijah were identified as Minor Prophets.

Their ongoing conflict with the national government and religious officials of the era makes this clear. With their prophecies, they tried to affect the socio-political climate of their day. To return them to the authentic worship of Yahweh, they successfully opposed the kings and the religious establishment of the day. The belief that Elijah and Elisha could enter the supersensible realm and gather oracles from Yahweh, the Almighty, allowed them to have a significant impact on the socio-political space. Similarly, Jeremiah took on the religious and political elites that oppressed the common people in ancient Israel. During Judah’s crisis, Jeremiah was a prophet. The ruling class attempted to disprove Jeremiah’s prophecies to preserve the social hierarchy.

At this point, it is crucial to remember that prophets did not live in seclusion but instead actively worked to change their societies. Kraeling claims that the Prophets were well-known individuals whose main concerns were the social and political issues of their day. Both religious orthodoxy and social justice piqued their strong interests¹³. They were fiercely opposed to both the administration of justice and positions of power. Rather than ignoring the issues that society faced, they took part in their solution-finding.

Since prophecy is an activity, it is a social phenomenon that occurs within a particular society and is carried out by its members according to their social norms. It is believed that Israelite prophecy is a socio-historical phenomenon that was prevalent in many ancient cultures. A type of mediation between the divine and the human is prophecy¹⁴. A prophecy is an inspired communication from God to humanity, delivered by one of his chosen human messengers intended to assist humanity in discovering the existence of God¹⁵. Prophecy’s socio-religious and reformative role can be properly analyzed with the aid of an examination of the institutions and social values that the prophets lived and worked in.

In ancient Israel, prophecy was employed as a means of social control and change.

Investigations into the prophetic ministry of the Old Testament have demonstrated that marginalized groups usually used prophecy to control and dominate the sociopolitical landscape to bring about social change. It was thought that Yahweh gave oracles to the prophets regarding the state of affairs in the land. They demand justice and fair treatment for the impoverished and denounce authoritarian regimes and leaders. Social control measures raised concerns for the Prophet because they might lead to social reforms and improve the lot of the poor in their community.

2.2.3 Prophetic Literature

The writings of the earliest twelve minor prophets, such as Amos and Hosea (eighth century BCE), comprised the first prophetic discourses ever recorded. They appeared to have written down what they said after speaking in public, either for their use or to share it with a wider audience.

With the approaching end of the monarchy and the emergence of a complex combination of religious and political issues, the prophets faced new challenges. Jeremiah (627–585), Ezekiel (593-571), and Isaiah (740–700 BCE) all had to deal with shifting political landscapes and the increasing Mesopotamian influence on the Israelite religion. The prophecies of these three men are steeped in the history of the times they lived in, for they were all keenly aware of contemporary affairs and committed to conveying to the people of Israel the messages they felt they had received directly from Israel’s God. Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Isaiah completed the literary evolution of prophecy. These three outstanding prophets wrote some of the most exquisite pieces of Hebrew literature, both in prose and poetry. In the eyes of subsequent tradition, the prophetic words ascribed to these men were profound, beautiful, and lengthy, making them important figures. Since the idea of the messianic era originated in the prophetic world, the books of the prophets had a significant impact on many other aspects of Jewish tradition as it developed. Jewish mysticism later adopted the prophetic visions of Isaiah and Ezekiel as a model. Another long-lasting influence was prophetic morality and its close ties to Jewish ritual life.

Canonical and Non-canonical Prophets

Whether a prophet is revered as a man of God who sees, hears, and shares the message of God, and who is essential in sharing God’s will and plans with mankind, depends on whether his writings are included in the Canon of Holy Scriptures or not. The only thing that separates a prophet who is canonical from one who is not is the other did not write a book that would have been included in the Bible’s canon, while the first author wrote one. There exist other instances where prophets have written books, but they have not gained traction as canonical works that would establish fundamental guidelines or explain proper human behavior. Because they established universal principles that apply to all people at all times through their writings, the prophets who wrote these kinds of books are referred to as canonical prophets. Certain prophets, especially those not included in the canon, speak to specific events and times in the social, political, or religious life of their time¹⁶.

The Hebrew canon splits the Old Testament book known as the Nevi’im, or the Prophets, into the Former Prophets and the Latter Prophets. Historic texts found in The Former Prophets include the Four Books of Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings. Ezekiel, Jeremiah, Isaiah, and the Twelve (Minor) Prophets are the four prophetic texts that make up The Latter Prophets. Amos, Hosea, Joel, Micah, Nahum, Obadiah, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi are the books of the Twelve Prophets, which were originally inscribed on a single scroll. Eight books make up the Hebrew canon of the Prophets as a result. These books are classified as Historical Books in the Christian canon of the Prophets, which separates the Prophets into categories other than the one for the Former Prophets. The Book of Daniel and the Lamentations of Jeremiah are two additional books from the Hebrew canon known as the Ketuvim (the Writings), which are included in the Christian canon of the Prophets in addition to Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel. Each of the Twelve (Minor) Prophets has a unique book. In contrast, however, the Christian canon consists of a wide range of works. The Protestant canon of prophetic writings consists of the 17 books of the Latter Prophets and the 2 books of the Ketuvim. One of the prophetic writings that the Roman Catholic canon recognizes as canonical is the Letter of Jeremiah. The book of Baruch contains all of the prophetic writings. Baruch’s canonical status was denied by the Greek Orthodox Synod of Jerusalem in 1672.

Following the Septuagint, the Protestant canon divides Samuel and Kings into two sections each about the Former Prophets: 1 and 2 Kings and 2 and 2 Samuel. These two books were formerly divided into I, II, III, and IV Kings by the Orthodox and Roman Catholic churches; the Septuagint’s order is now followed in the majority of Roman Catholic translations.

Canonical Prophets – Major and Minor Prophets

Because the books of the Major Prophets are longer and contain material with wide-ranging, even global implications, they are referred to as “major.” Even though the books of Hosea and Zechariah are almost as long as Daniel’s, they are classified as “minor” prophetic literature because they are shorter and contain more narrowly focused content. Despite this, the inspiration for the Minor Prophets is no less than that of the Major Prophets. It is just a matter of God choosing to reveal more to the Major Prophets than to the Minor Prophets.

The Bible books about the Major and Minor Prophets are usually the ones that Christians read the least. Considering the often atypical prophetic vocabulary and the seemingly ceaseless admonitions and censures found within the predictions, this makes sense. Still, the Major and Minor Prophets contain a wealth of insightful material. In Isaiah and Micah, the birth of Christ is mentioned. Isaiah tells us of Christ’s atoning sacrifice. The books of Ezekiel, Daniel, and Zechariah tell of Christ’s second coming. All of the prophets, both major and minor, impart to us the holiness, wrath, grace, and mercy of God. They deserve all of our attention and investigation because of this.

Hebrew prophecy

Many people and organizations from the ancient Near East nations and peoples contributed to Hebrew prophecy through their prophetic activities. While the prophecies of the ancient Egyptians, Mesopotamians, Canaanites, and other Aegean civilization peoples were typically associated with “foretelling” or making predictions though it included elements of prediction, the Hebrew interpretation of prophecy was primarily concerned with “forth-telling” or making declarations about the future. Thus, the phrase “Says the Lord” appears repeatedly in Hebrew prophecy, emphasizing the “forth-telling” motif. The holiness (separateness) of God and his purpose for Israel, his chosen people, were clearly understood by the Hebrew prophets. Because of this awareness, they were able to comprehend sin and how it affects both individuals and society as a whole. This understanding led to the development of a radical ethical perspective that was relevant to both the community and the individual.

The Hebrew word for prophet (naviž) is most likely etymologically related to the Akkadian verb nabū, which means “to call” or “to name.” Consequently, it is possible to think of the Hebrew prophet as God’s “caller” or spokesperson. In the Old Testament, prophets are also referred to as “seers” (roʾe) and “visionaries” (ḥoze), with the latter two terms suggesting that Hebrew prophecy included a predictive element. Hebrew prophecy was distinct, though, because of the relationship that existed between the covenant people, Israel, the prophet, and God, the Lord of the Covenant.

He reminded, pleaded with, condemned, chastised, consoled, and inspired hope in the people of the covenant while never once losing sight of the fact that they were chosen to be an example of God’s goodness, love, and mercy to the nations. He spoke in the name of the all-powerful Lord.

Within the guilds or groups of ecstatic prophets that existed between the eleventh and the eighth centuries BCE, some of the Hebrew prophets were involved. These prophets were God’s mouthpieces; their capricious actions and words evoked fear and sometimes contempt. II Kings 9:11–11 describes a seer who appeared to anoint Jehu as a “madman” (meshuggaʿ), the army general who ascended to the Israeli monarchy in the ninth century BCE.

Other prophets of the Hebrew people, like Nathan and Elijah, were more self-governing, but they never lost their uncontrollable nature, from the perspective of the political establishment. The theme of the powerful oppressing the weak was expressed by these two early prophets who did not write and which spread throughout Jewish tradition. The activities of these early prophets are chronicled in The Former Prophets, including Elisha and Micah from the ninth century BCE.

The writing prophets, also known as the Latter Prophets, first appeared in the eighth century BCE. The books with prophetic names were all likely edited by prophetic schools or by individuals or groups impacted by the prophets’ ideas, but the editors or prophets’ followers made every effort to maintain the words, deeds, and peculiar themes of the prophetic figures.

Although some, like Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, may have been, the majority of the prophets of the Latter Day Saints were not members of the priestly class. Unlike the court prophets of most ancient Near Eastern peoples, who rarely deviated from their beliefs about what their sovereigns or the people expected of them, the Latter Prophets were all different.

2.3 Historical Development of Prophecy in Aladura Churches

The Aladura churches in Nigeria have embraced the prophetic tradition as a central aspect of their religious identity. In the early 20th century, the Aladura movement arose in opposition to colonialism and the aspiration for a unique African Christianity.

2.3.1 Origins of the Aladura Movement

Among the most dynamic and captivating Christian movements of the modern era are the Aladura Churches. The movement’s dynamic character has accelerated its evolution into a worldwide religion. According to¹⁷ opined, the Aladura movement’s primary twin goals are conversion and healing, which are articulated in terms of converting unbelievers to Christianity and curing the ill.

“Aladura” is derived from the Yoruba word “adura,” which means prayer. The movement’s veracious beliefs that prayer ought to be the focal point of Christian devotion and that, indeed, God hears all petitions when the required conditions are satisfied are reflected in the language they employ¹⁸. According to the claim, several factors, including the Aladura movement’s perceived insensitivity, developed concurrently with the emergence of a unique African theology. These developments are attributed in part to the influence of foreign theologians and the perceived inability of missionaries to connect Christianity with traditional African cultural worldviews. Above all, culture was overlooked. Initially started as a prayer group within the Anglican Church, the Aladura movement was founded to provide healing and critical spiritual support during a pandemic of influenza, notably the fatal 1918 influenza that killed over 200,000 people in Southern Nigeria alone. The Aladura movement was not formed to secede from the mother church or fragment into multiple denominations, as is the case today¹⁹.

A difference in beliefs could be the reason for the splintering. The Aladura movement discovered that it shared theological principles with Faith Tabernacle, a fundamentalist church in North America²⁰ observed that the two groups placed a strong emphasis on faith healing and immersion baptism, both of which the Anglicans forbade. The Aladura group and Faith Tabernacle, however, quickly fell out due to several issues, including the missionaries from Faith Tabernacle’s alleged intolerance, doctrinal differences that were reflected in the interpretation and manifestation of the absence of translated scriptures, the progressively incorporated the Holy Spirit’s Pentecostal gifts and the Yoruba cultural heritage into Aladura-directed worship. One important turning point in the Aladura group’s development as a firmly Christian movement was the split from Faith Tabernacle²¹.

Since the Aladura movement stood in the way of the Western goal of converting Africans into Black Europeans, its growth can be seen as reactionary. According to²², Westerners’ political and economic colonization initiatives, combined with their missionaries’ fervor for conversion, all worked together to attack the African way of life’s fundamental beliefs about polygamy and ancestral worship. “Missionaries frequently disapproved of the traditional African way of life and desired to convert Africans into Black Europeans,” the source²³ states. The writer went on to say that African names were considered unworthy of the Christian faith, so when Africans came forward for baptism, they were asked to choose “Christian” names, meaning European names. Discord was sown by the subjugation of identity, which would eventually blossom and explode.

The Aladura movement, which took its cues from Nigeria’s religious landscape, can be described as pluralistic in typology, consisting of several splinter groups that differ and overlap to varying degrees. Given the movement’s historical background and its epoch-defining stages of recurrent affiliation, dissociation, and split, this evolution is not untraceable. The biographies of the founders of the various splinter movements that comprise the Aladura churches provide the best illustration of the history of the Aladura movement, which can be seen as a sequence of events spanning nearly a century. In light of the aforementioned split from Faith Tabernacle, it’s critical to remember that the Aladura splinter group has its roots in the different times their founders left Faith Tabernacle.

2.3.2 Common doctrines and perspectives of the Aladura church

Based on the idea that the Holy Spirit appears in their events and activities, the Aladura churches have a particular theology. The belief that the Holy Spirit, the third person of Christianity, manifests himself by the official or informal terms of service stated in the Aladura coda, forms the basis of the Christian faith practiced in Aladura churches. The idea that the Holy Spirit is a moving entity whose manifestation can be seen simultaneously in numerous locations due to its omnipresence, even though the churches of Aladura may be scattered over wide geographic areas, also depends on the Holy Spirit. The evangelism and church growth of Aladura is essentially based on the doctrinal foundation of the work of the Holy Spirit.

It is essential to acknowledge that the necessity of imbuing Christianity with an African flavor is a major driving force behind the Aladura doctrine. According to²⁴, To contextualize Christianity within the African cultural milieu, the Aladura movement adopted certain pragmatism. In turn, a variety of spiritual, cultural, political, and social factors have an impact on the Aladura doctrine and this in turn affects traditional African beliefs.

The Aladura movement’s philosophies and viewpoints are covered in this section. The Aladura believe that immersion baptism is a central tenet. The Aladura Worldwide Articles of Faith provide the doctrinal guidelines that comprise the movement, although they differ according to denomination. The baptism sacrament is highly valued by the Aladura movement, according to information gathered from various authors. One of the problems that caused the Aladura church to split off from Anglicanism in 1922 was baptism. Interestingly, the Aladura’s endorsement of the theory of baptism was based on their conviction that it was not on strong theological convictions, a clear directive from Jesus (Matthew 28:19–20),

The concept of “inculturated liturgy,” which was popularized by²⁵, represents another doctrinal viewpoint that the majority of churches that fall under the Aladura umbrella share. It is understood to convey the fundamental conviction that Christianity should embrace a people’s cultural traditions. Consequently, Aladura churches have greatly integrated by incorporating aspects of African culture into their liturgy. Christians are said to have lived better lives because worship has become more inclusive and purposeful. Worship programs now incorporate dancing, drumming, singing, and clapping as a way to blend the spiritual and the local²⁶.

Furthermore, the frequent usage of traditional lyrics in acts of worship, bells, and traditional musical instruments, especially percussion. The firm religious belief that anyone can experience communion with God via worship was also expressed in the same document. This means that during the time of high worship, the line separating the choir from the rest of the congregation must become, at most, ceremonial. The statement made by²⁷ that “many would kneel during services as they sang praises in reverence to God, the lifting up of hands, eyes, and voluntary shouts became normal practices at worship,” further explains this specific feature.

In the congregations, members also entered a trance and freely spoke prophecies. The use of indigenous elements introduced into the church enhanced these spiritual phenomena. The use of local instruments is widespread; some examples are “agogo,” “akuba,” “omeleako,” “omele abo,” “agidigbo,” “seli,” and “sekere.” As they all clap, dance, sing, and deliver messages, they all participate in the spontaneous prayer. This doctrine’s main tenet is that believers or worshippers are not viewed as passive participants whose primary roles in the worship process are the choir and clergy, but rather as active participants whose hearts and souls are in the service.

Among some modern religions in the nation, The Aladura placed an unparalleled focus on consecration and holiness as a requirement for receiving God’s blessings, participating in divine communion, and worshiping. However, ²⁸ said that the process of forming a personal relationship with God is considered to be enhanced by the emphasis on holiness and consecration. People are urged to put their jealousy, hatred, and resentment aside. Women attending church are advised not to go inside while they are menstruating. In actuality, ²⁹ female worshippers are supposed to take a break until they are consecrated again if they become unclean during spiritual exercises like prolonged prayer and fasting. Praises and chants like “mimo ni Oluwa” and “Olorunmimo,” which translate to “the holiness of the Christian God,” and the Bible’s insistence that those who worship him do so in holiness and truth are indications of the Aladura’s belief that God is holy.

An additional doctrine relevant to the character and day-to-day activities of the Aladura church movement includes the collection of Holy Communion³⁰ As pointed out although the communion was held infrequently, its history dates back to 1953 and it was modeled after the Anglican Church. Turner gave a detailed account of how the Aladura movement followed the model of the Anglican Communion. It’s crucial to keep in mind that, even though the Holy Eucharist is largely acknowledged as a doctrine of Aladura, the movement’s acceptance of it was driven more by a desire for respect from other established and more traditional denominations such as the Anglican and Catholic than by strong theological arguments. In Aladuran churches, being baptized by immersion in water and being baptized in the Holy Spirit are more important than receiving Holy Communion. Certainly, Even though it mimics the doctrine of the Anglicans, the Holy Eucharist is observed in private and at night. Every baptized member is eligible to receive the Holy Eucharist of the Aladura tradition, even those who are controversial in the eyes of other congregations (Catholics and Anglicans); polygamists are one group of people who fit this description.

The purification rites, which take place first, and the communion meal are the two components of the Holy Communion as defined by the Aladura doctrine, as stated by Ileriayo. There is a cleansing aspect to the purificatory rite. Although there are no strict rules in the Aladura, those who wish to participate must be cleansed in the literary and conceptual sense of the word; consequently, those who have recently given birth or are menstruating are not allowed to participate, and other participants have to wash or squirt water on themselves. Turner claimed that immorality, envy, hatred, animosity, and unforgiveness are additional traits that make a person unclean.

The second part of Holy Communion is the actual consumption of wine and bread³¹. He declared that there are clear parallels between receiving Holy Communion and the covenantal blood exchange found within the Yoruba Traditional Religion’s doctrine. Theologically speaking, the Aladura embraces the gospel belief that eating at the communion table can bring about supernatural healing demonstrating a strong connection between the various tenets guiding the movement.

Divine healing and miracles are deeply believed in the Aladura movement, as part of the movement’s core beliefs. Differing interpretations of God’s miraculous healing catalyzed the division that finally resulted in the split of the Anglican Church and the Aladura Movement. Bujo explained that the introduction of Western-style Christianity had replaced the long-standing tradition of consulting a local herbalist, healer, or “witch doctor.” Local medicine, which is far less effective and efficient than medical care provided with imported drugs and equipment, is what Western missionaries use. Herbs, injections, herbal remedies, amulets, spells, and invocations are examples of this.

Baiyewu observed that the Aladura Movement succeeded in reintroducing the unusual curadivina practice: using water, prayer, and other substances to heal deemed holy—as one of its tenets. As Bujo went on to say, a large number of visitors to the Aladura were devout believers who believed in miracles and divine healing is demonstrated by the fact that they were unable to pay for Western-style medical care in the first place.

As time went on, the Aladura developed into a haven for the sick, and its healing properties grew to be among its primary As Anderson also mentioned, the Aladura people hold a strong belief in supernatural healing and miracles because they feel that they have a unique understanding of biblical texts and healing secrets because of their relationship with God.

The position taken by Aladura is that “If a ministry does not consider healing to be a religious function, it will be deemed inadequate.”

2.3.3 The Role of Prophets and Prophetesses

Prophets and prophetesses are important messengers between the worlds of God and humanity in the churches of Aladura. These individuals claim to receive divine messages and convey them to the congregation. Prophets and prophetesses are regarded as gifted vessels through whom God communicates with the community, providing guidance, comfort, and warnings.

Prophetic practices within the Aladura churches often involve trance-like states, where the prophet or prophetess enters into a heightened spiritual consciousness to receive messages from the divine. These prophetic experiences are seen as affirmations of the church’s spiritual authenticity and serve to reinforce the faith of its members³².

2.3.3 Evolution of Prophetic Practices

Over the years, prophetic practices within the Aladura churches have evolved and diversified. New Aladura denominations emerged, each with their unique prophetic traditions and practices. For instance, Samuel Biléhou Joseph Oshoffa founded the Celestial Church of Christ in 1947, bringing with it unique prophetic rites and ceremonies.

The incorporation of prophetic practices has continued to shape the growth and popularity of the Aladura churches. Prophetic healing, deliverance services, and prophetic intercessions have become central features of their worship gatherings. These practices attract both devoted followers seeking spiritual encounters and individuals seeking solutions to various life challenges (ibid).

2.3.4 Significance of Prophecy in Aladura Churches

Prophetic experiences hold immense significance within the Aladura churches. They are viewed as vital confirmations of the churches’ spiritual authority, providing reassurance to members that their leaders have a divine mandate. Prophecies also serve as a means of divine guidance, offering insights into personal matters, community affairs, and broader societal issues.

Moreover, the prophetic tradition in the Aladura churches contributes to a sense of spiritual empowerment among members. Prophecies provide hope, comfort, and encouragement, especially during challenging times. The belief in divine intervention through prophetic utterances fosters a strong sense of belief and confidence in the effectiveness and power of prayer in spiritual practices.

The historical development of prophecy within the Aladura churches reveals a rich tapestry of religious and cultural influences. From its origins in the early 20th century to its continued evolution in contemporary Nigerian society, prophecy has remained a fundamental element of these churches’ identity. The prophetic tradition has played a vital role in shaping the spiritual lives of their members and has become an integral aspect of their religious practices and beliefs.End Notes

1. Victor Umaru. “Historical Overview of the Old Testament Prophecy and Prophetism: It’s Application to the 21st Century Church.” Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences, 2023: 65-84.
2. J. “A History of Prophecy in Israel: Revised and Enlarged.” Louisville: WJKP, 1995: 125-6.
3. Aaron Chalmers. “Exploring the Religion of Ancient Israel.” London: SPCK, 2012: 42.
4. Max Weber, “Economy and Society, vol. 1”. Berkeley: University of California Press,
5. Lang. “Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority: An Essay in Biblical History and Sociology.” SWBAS 1 (Sheffield: Almond Press, 2017: 95.
6. Hutton. “Charisma and Authority in Israelite Society.” Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1994: 116.
7. Lawrence H. Schiffman. “Prophecy in Ancient Israel.” https://www.myjewishlearning.com/article/prophecy-in-ancient-israel/, 2023.
8. Awojobi, Peter. “Prophets As Consultants in Ancient Israelite and Nigerian Socio-Cultural Contexts.” 2018.
9. Awojobi, Peter. “The ministry of Moses Orimolade and the prophetic tradition of Israel: An ecclesio-historical study.” ()Asεmka: A Bilingual Literary Journal of University of Cape Coast. 11. 10.47963/asmka.vi11.434. , 2022: 48-63.
10. Vangemeren, A. “Interpreting the Prophetic World.” London: Zondervan Publishing House. 1990
11. Dada, A.O. “Predictive Prophecy as a Medium of Social Control in Ancient Israel and the Nigerian Context in Prophecy, Politics and Power in Ancient Israel and the Nigerian context.” A Feshschrift in Honour of The Most Rev. Dr. G. L. Lasebikan, 2018.
12. Lewis, I.M. “Ecstatic Religion: A Study of Shamanism and Spirit Possession” London: Routledge. 1989
13. Kraeling, G.E. “The Prophets.” New York: Rand McNally and Company, 1969.
14. Adagbada, C.O. “The Role of Prophets as Promoters of Social Change in Nigeria in Prophecy, Politics and Power in Ancient Israel and the Nigerian context.” A Feshschrift in Honour of The Most Rev. Dr. G. L. Lasebikan, 2018.
15. Awojobi, P.O. “Prophetic Ministry in Ancient Israel.” Ilorin: Kingdom Power Communications. 2018
16. Ioan-Gheorghe Rotaru. “Aspects of the Involvement of Non-Canonical Prophets in the Religious Political and Social Life of their Time.” RAIS Conference Proceedings, February 27-28, 2022.
17. Baiyewu, T. “The transformation of Aladura Christianity in Nigeria,” A thesis submitted to the Bayreuth International Graduate School of Africa Studies, University of Bayreuth, Germany.
18. Ositelu, R.O. “African Instituted Churches, Diversities, Growth, Spirituality and Ecumenical Understanding of African Initiated Churches,” New Jersey: Transaction Publishers.
19. Babatunde, E.A. “Yoruba Tradition Religion and Aladura Christian Faith,” A Thesis Submitted to The University of Birmingham. 2019.
20. Ileriayo, I. “A Theological – Thematic study of the history of the Aladura in Nigeria,” Interdisciplinary Journal of Research on Religion, Vol. 4, Is. 12. 2018
21. Ositelu, R.O.O., “Christianity: Inside Story from an African Perspective,” Shagamu: TCLAW Publications. 2015
22. Bujo, B. “African Theology in its Social Context,” New York: Orbis Books. 2018
23. Komolafe, F.O., “Roman Catholic and Aladura Baptismal Doctrines: A Comparative Study in the Nigerian Context,” A thesis submitted to the Theological Department of Toronto School of Theology, University of Toronto.
24. Ayegboyin, D. & Ishola, S.A., “Rediscovering and Fostering Unity in the Body of Christ: The Nigerian Experience,” Ibadan: African Theological Fellowship Series. 2018
25. Komolafe, F.O., “Roman Catholic and Aladura Baptismal Doctrines: A Comparative Study in the Nigerian Context,” A thesis submitted to the Theological Department of Toronto School of Theology, University of Toronto.
26. The Church of the Lord, Article of Faith, Available online at http://www.aladura.net/tenets.htm. [Accessed on September 17th 2018],
27. Dada, A.O., “The Interaction of Prophecy and Yoruba Culture in Selected African Indigenous Churches,”
28. Baiyewu, T. “The transformation of Aladura Christianity in Nigeria,” A thesis submitted to the Bayreuth International Graduate School of Africa Studies, University of Bayreuth, Germany, 2014.
29. Kalu, O., “African Pentecostalism: An Introduction”, New York: Oxford University Press,
30. Turner, H.W., “History of Africa Independent Church: The Church of the Lord (Aladura),” London: Oxford University Press, 1967.
31. Anderson, A., “African Reformation: African Initiated Christianity in the 20thCentury, Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press,” 2011.
32. Adegbola, Y. “Aladura: A religious movement among the Yoruba.” Springer Science & Business Media., 2010.

CHAPTER THREE

PROPHECY AND ITS INTERFACE WITH SCHIZOPHRENIA

3.1 Introduction

In this chapter, we explore the connection between prophets, and Aladura Churches, and the possibility of it being related to schizophrenia. We start by looking at the role of prophets in ancient Israel and then give an overview of Aladura Churches in Nigeria. The core of this chapter focuses on how religious experiences can sometimes be mistaken for schizophrenia. The purpose of this chapter is to clarify the relationship between faith and mental health, particularly as it relates to religious communities and prophecies.

3.2 Overview of prophets in ancient Israel

Prophets serve as the intermediaries connecting humanity with the divine realm. They act as conduits through which the divine message is conveyed to the everyday world, providing humans with a means to connect with the sacred sphere¹. Since prophets don’t operate in isolation, the influence of the society in which they reside is highly significant in shaping their lives and missions. Prophets are an integral part of their respective communities and rely on social guidance and support for their existence. This support need not be universal within the society, but it must be present in some form, or else prophets would cease to exist. Additionally, society plays a role in regulating the various processes through which individuals become prophets. The extent of society’s involvement in the validation process can vary from one prophet to another, depending on the group to which the candidate belongs. For instance, peripheral prophets often seek and obtain the society’s approval at the very outset, before becoming part of the group².

Moreover, society occasionally assumes a more hands-on role in assessing a prophet’s qualifications without relying on the input of experts. An individual who is well-integrated and held in high regard within a particular community is more likely to receive recognition as an intermediary, in contrast to someone who opposes or criticizes the group. Additionally, a person who delivers prophecies that align with the ideology of a community is more likely to be acknowledged, as opposed to an individual who conveys highly unconventional and disruptive messages³.

Notably, the degree of acceptance that prophets received in the society in which they lived or worked determined their value in ancient Israel. However, when examining the Old Testament, it becomes challenging to definitively establish whether prophets in Israel enjoyed unanimous approval from their audiences or faced varying degrees of acceptance due to the limited and ambiguous data available. As stated by Overholt, the challenge for interpreters is that although the Hebrew Bible provides some insight into the authorization process of prophetic activity, it remains somewhat concealed. Conversely, although the authors of the Bible stress the attributes of Yahweh and His relationship with humans, they do not give a thorough explanation of the social dynamics at play during the prophetic process⁴. A more comprehensive understanding of the acceptance of prophets emerges when we consider the framework in which prophecy is intrinsically connected to the communication process involving God, the prophet, the audience, feedback, and God. In this framework, a prophet is tasked with receiving a message from God, conveying it to the audience, and then conveying the audience’s response back to God. The dynamics of acceptance and credibility are greatly influenced by the audience’s reaction when a prophet declares that Yahweh has spoken to them and shared the message with the people.

Prophets in ancient Israel advised their colleagues. They were consulted for oracles on a variety of issues, including where lost property might be found (1 Samuel 9:3–10), medical prognoses (2 Kings 1:2; 8:7–15), the result of approaching wars (1 Kings 22:6), divine matters (1 Chronicles 2:18–19), and advice on proper ritual practices (2 Chronicles 29:25).

An organized examination of prophetic literature in the Old Testament uncovered that kings sought the counsel of prophets before engaging in warfare. Prophets played a dual role in both inspiring the kings for war and predicting its outcome. Both court and temple prophets were frequently consulted for such inquiries, as evident in passages like 1 Kings 22:5-6, 2 Kings 22:13, Isaiah 30:2, and Zephaniah 1:6. Peripheral prophets such as Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Micah were also sought out by those seeking oracular responses.

It is noteworthy that in ancient Israel, the guidance of prophets was actively sought and obtained prior to engaging in religious, political, military, economic, and social activities. The prophets had a close association with politics from the time they first emerged in Israel, as illustrated in 1 Samuel 10:5-13. For example, the prophetic group was strategically positioned near a Philistine garrison to motivate the Israelites to confront the Philistines in war. Furthermore, individuals such as Elisha and Elijah showed a strong dedication to both political matters and the Israelite faith, which earned them the moniker “the chariots of Israel and its horsemen” (2 Kings 2:12; 13:14).

Despite the availability of other means, such as Urim and Thummin, for discerning the will of Yahweh, prophecy remained the preferred method. There was a widespread belief that the prophets spoke with the inspiration of Yahweh.

Since the time of Saul, Yahweh consistently sent prophets to shape the political decisions of the nation. The persistent disregard of these prophetic warnings by Israel eventually resulted in her captivity under the Assyrians and Babylonians. Samuel was fundamental to the enthronement of David and Saul.  Throughout David’s reign, Nathan held a position of significant influence in the royal court. His prophetic message about Yahweh’s covenant with David had a profound effect on Israel’s outlook and way of life. Nevertheless, when David abused his authority, Nathan did not hesitate to confront him, as seen in 2 Samuel 12:1-15. Efforts were made by later kings to assert control over the prophets, yet these attempts proved unsuccessful. Prophets remained influential in both the northern and southern kingdoms even after Solomon’s death. During periods of political turmoil and the threat of foreign aggression jeopardizing the nation’s existence, prophets would deliver oracles of victory to Israel, emphasizing the importance of placing trust solely in Yahweh.

According to Awojobi, the prophets of ancient Israel can be seen as political activists actively opposing activities that were contrary to the worship of Yahweh. Awojobi contends that these prophets were so committed to their cause that they were willing to take the conflict into the enemy’s territory, aiming to achieve both political and religious victories for Yahweh and the nation of Israel.

3.3 Prophets and Prophecy in Aladura Churches

3.3.1 Prophecy in Christ Apostolic Church

Anybody who has prophetic gifts is considered a prophet, according to the Christ Apostolic Church Constitution (CAC Constitution, 1998)⁵. Within the Christ Apostolic Church, a prophet can be an ordained or non-ordained minister, according to Alokan’s explanation. Genuine and genuine spiritual qualities are essential for the prophet to display. Prior to receiving the necessary training to enroll in the Church’s Bible College, the individual must complete practical experience under the supervision of a senior church minister. Usually, a two-year probationary period is included with this training⁶.

By actively easing the fears and anxieties of their followers and clients, prophets in Africa are substantially contributing to society⁷.Fears of enemies, illness, childlessness, and an uncertain future plague a lot of Africans. These problems in life have answers in the oracles given under the direction of the Holy Spirit. Within the Christ Apostolic Church (CAC), prophets and evangelists are especially prone to this phenomenon. Prophets and evangelists from the CAC are especially enthusiastic, much like the exuberant Old Testament prophets. Ecstatism here alludes to possession by spirits. It is confirmed by visits to specific prayer mountains connected to prophetic churches—like Taborah in Ilorin, Oke Efon in Ekiti State, Ogere in Ogun State, and Okeldanre in Ondo State—that ecstasy is a typical experience for CAC prophets and evangelists⁸.

According to Akinsulure, the prophetic style of leadership in the Christ Apostolic Church is a useful tool for promoting harmony, advancement, peace, and order inside the church. He highlights the significance of leaders abstaining from using prophetic words for their selfish ends that could cause disarray in the church. When using their spiritual gifts, people with prophetic gifts should follow the instructions given by God’s word, according to Akinsulure. In addition, as stated in Acts 6:39, leaders ought to exhibit traits like wisdom and the filling of the Holy Spirit.

Folarin points out that prophets of the past and present have very different conceptions of the prophetic mission. Prophets in ancient Israel used their messages to express opposition to threats to the life and survival of the nation. With prophecy, they opposed the social evils of their day and taught moral monotheism. Few prophets in the Christ Apostolic Church (CAC) are known nationally, despite their prominence on a local level. It is noteworthy that the Pentecostal influence of Joseph Babalola has led to a profusion of prophets and prophetesses in the southwestern states of Nigeria. Joseph Babalola, Daniel Orekoya, David Babajide, Timothy Obadare, James Omotoso Oluyi, Samuel Abiara, and other notable prophets are included in the CAC. Prophets are sent to share what the Lord says, while pastors are responsible for teaching. This also takes into account Wagner’s hypothesis that prophets are fallible.

Akinsulure highlights that the Christ Apostolic Church uses a prophetic leadership style to promote harmony, development, order, and peace inside the church. He issues a warning to leaders about the potential for confusion inside the church if they use prophetic words as a front for ulterior agendas. When using their spiritual gifts, gifted members prophetically should follow the instructions given by God’s word. Akinsulure also emphasizes the significance of leaders being people who possess wisdom and the gift of the Holy Spirit, drawing comparisons with the attributes listed in Acts 6:3 (ibid).

According to Ijaduola, Apostle Babalola was not the sole prophet through whom God manifested His power in the Christ Apostolic Church. One of his disciples, Prophet Daniel Orekoya, noteworthy despite being physically challenged, was also renowned for performing miraculous acts. One particularly well-known miracle occurred in 1930 during a crusade in Ibadan when Prophet Orekoya, through divine intervention, raised a pregnant woman who had been deceased for four days. Following her resurrection, the woman went on to give birth to a baby girl named Abeo. As Abeo grew into a woman, she became widely recognized as a living testament to the extraordinary power of God.

The legacy of prophetic leadership in the Christ Apostolic Church extends beyond Apostle Babalola. Notably, Prophet Babajide, recognized as the right-hand disciple of Apostle Babalola, later assumed the role of General Evangelist within CAC. Over the years, other prophets emerged within the church, including Prophet Durojaiye, known for the manifest presence of angels in his gatherings. Baba Akande, also known as Baba Abiye, a blind man based in Ede, and Apostle T.O. Obadare, who despite being blind, performed remarkable miracles, including restoring sight to the blind, are among those who have played significant roles in the church. Numerous other prophets and revered individuals have been raised by God, blessing many across various districts and assemblies within the Christ Apostolic Church (Ibid).

3.3.2 Prophecy in Cherubim & Seraphim (C&S) Unification Church

Within the Aladura movement, the Cherubim and Seraphim society is a separate faction that was founded by Christiana Abiodun Akinsowon, an Anglican who had encountered trances and visions, and Yoruba prophet Moses Orimolade Tunolase. Established between 1925 and 1926, the organization promoted beliefs focused on divine healing and revelation, which replaced customs involving charms and medicine. They split up from the Anglican and other churches in 1928 as a result of this. Following the founders’ departure in the same year, the Cherubim and Seraphim movement split into more than ten major sections and numerous smaller ones. These divisions spread extensively throughout Nigeria and also reached Benin (formerly Dahomey), Togo, and Ghana¹⁰.

The spiritual dynamics of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church are heavily influenced by seers, visionaries, and prophets. When Saint Moses Orimolade helped Captain Abiodun Emmanuel’s illness resurfaces midway through the 20th century that is when these spiritual leaders first came into being. The C&S church’s prophecy and interpretation liturgy originated from her speaking in strange tongues after her revival and the interpretation of her words.

According to the traditions of the Cherubim and Seraphim, seers and prophets have distinct roles. Seers guide members in their daily endeavors when consulted, often available at short notice. Prophets engage in the discipline of revelation, providing insights for individuals and the general church. They are responsible for keeping the church on the right path and focused, revealing the mysteries of the devil’s machinations so that elders can respond appropriately.

Anyone, including those in the office of prophets, can be a seer. However, both seers and prophets require years of tutelage, coaching, and guidance, along with a substantial understanding of the Bible. The experience of convulsive, jerking, tossing, and ecstatic movements during spiritual seizures is a common characteristic. Traditionally, this altered state is believed to signify their submission to the invisible spiritual world.

Discovering potential seers, visioners, or prophets often happens during worship sessions when individuals experience seizures. After inquiries, those identified are advised to join the League of Visioners and Prophets under the authority of the elders. Going into a trance is a commonplace practice in the Cherubim and Seraphim Church, with some visioners abstaining from food or water for extended periods, ranging from 7 to 21 days. The benefits of these spiritual roles lie in members seeking guidance for their actions and decisions¹¹.

3.3.3 Prophecy in the Celestial Church of Christ (CCC)

Originating in the prophetic tradition, the Celestial Church of Christ (CCC) has a unique history. Many refer to the church as “Cele” informally, and its adherents as Celestians. In a vision, Jesus asserted that devotees of His were as devoted to Him as angels in heaven. is credited with inspiring the church’s official name. In relation to Deuteronomy 26:15, this vision occurs: “Bless thy people Israel and the land thou hast given us, as thou didst swear to our father, a land flowing with milk and honey,” said the heavenly gaze. They believe they are celestial or that they are representatives of heaven on Earth, and this is reflected in their name¹².

The church claims that the Holy Spirit’s manifestation among its devout adherents facilitates direct inspiration from God. The CCC emphasizes the rejection of superstitions and animist beliefs from traditional African religions, and its teachings are doctrinally grounded in the Bible. This is consistent with the larger Aladura movement trend, in which other churches reject similar ideas in favor of a doctrinal framework grounded in Christian principles (ibid).

In the Celestial Church of Christ (CCC), Jihmarta is an important angel who works closely with the prophets within the church and is tasked with prophecy. According to the belief within CCC, when the Celestial Church descended to earth, it brought with it billions of angels, and among them, Jihmarta was assigned to stay with the church.

Jihmarta is considered the spirit of prophecy, collaborating with the prophets in the CCC to bring forth the testimony and glory of Jesus Christ. This partnership mirrors the biblical accounts of angels working with prophets such as Daniel, Ezekiel, and John the Beloved, revealing God’s plans and prophecies of the future.

However, Jihmarta’s role extends beyond delivering prophecies; it includes admonishing the prophets to uphold good conduct and character. The angel counsels them to stay near God so as not to grieve the Holy Spirit. The prophet’s loins are said to bear the symbolic meaning of “The Holy Spirit is love,” and Jihmarta is said to reside in places of holiness and love.

Importantly, Jihmarta strongly disapproves of sin, envy, bitterness, and malice, and withdraws in the presence of such negativity. The closeness of Jihmarta to a prophet is believed to be directly proportional to the prophet’s proximity to Jesus Christ. Unfortunately, the narrative suggests that some prophets in the church may have driven Jihmarta away due to their unfavorable behavior.

In essence, Jihmarta is revered as the angel of the prophets in CCC, working intimately with them to manifest the glory and testimony of Jesus Christ through the gift of prophecy¹³.

3.4 The relationship between prophecy and schizophrenia

The similarities between religious experiences and psychotic episodes—religious experiences frequently involve auditory and/or visual phenomena, and individuals with schizophrenia report hallucinations and delusions that may resemble the events found within a religious experience—make the relationship between prophecy and schizophrenia particularly interesting to psychiatrists¹⁴. It has been discovered that religion generally has “both a protective and a risk-increasing effect” on schizophrenia. Religious beliefs that many medical professionals view as delusional, such as the conviction that one is being visited by demons, that a god is speaking to oneself, that one is a prophet, or that one is possessed by demons, are frequently reported by people with schizophrenia (ibid).

Schizophrenia is a persistent and incapacitating condition characterized by symptoms that encompass various psychological processes. These include problems with perception, such as hallucinations; problems with ideation; problems with reality testing, which show up as delusions; problems with thought processes, which lead to loose associations; problems with feelings, which are characterized by flatness or inappropriate effect; problems with behavior, such as disorganization and catatonia; and problems with attention, concentration, motivation (such as avolition), intention, and planning. Schizophrenia patients also experience difficulties with judgment¹⁵.

Studies have investigated religious involvement in people with schizophrenia. According to a Swiss study, roughly one-third of patients with schizophrenia were heavily involved in religious communities, and another 10% were involved in religious movements that belonged to minority groups¹⁶. Another study conducted in the same nation found that one-third of the patients were very involved in religious communities, while another one-third said spirituality was important to them and regularly practiced spirituality outside of religious communities¹⁷.

Research from around the world, such as in North America and Europe, reveals that mentally ill patients share similar religious practices¹⁸ For instance, according to one study, 68% of patients took part in public religious services or activities, while 91% of patients engaged in private religious or spiritual activities19. While some research indicates that people with schizophrenia are more religiously involved than people in the general population²⁰, other studies show that people with schizophrenia attend religious services less frequently²¹

3.4.1 Case studies or real-life examples of individuals who were initially misdiagnosed as schizophrenic due to their religious experiences

Anna Cornelia Beyer

Despite her academic success, Anna Cornelia, a former child refugee from Eastern Berlin, struggled through a difficult adolescence. Her passion for world politics and the pursuit of global peace guided her academic pursuits. Following a period of intense self-sacrifice and loneliness in Berlin, Anna experienced her first psychotic break in 2002, characterized by a profound channeling experience and guidance from an unseen force.

In the wake of her psychotic episode, Anna was promptly diagnosed with schizophrenia and prescribed medication. This intervention provided a temporary respite, allowing her to live a relatively stable life for several years. During this time, she pursued a prolific career in academia, focusing on world peace, and developed an interest in spirituality.

Despite her outward success, Anna continued to grapple with the torment of hearing voices, attempting various remedies such as vitamins, medications, and alternative therapies. Concurrently, she delved into New Age and spirituality, adopting a vegetarian lifestyle and exploring connections with angelic and, occasionally, demonic beings. The loneliness persisted, compounded by resentments towards her ex-partner.

Turning Point and Recovery

A turning point occurred when Anna formed a meaningful connection with a supportive partner. Unfortunately, this positive development coincided with the loss of her university job and escalating symptoms during the Brexit years. Themes of fascism, war, and forced pregnancy emerged in her delusions, leading to alcoholism and strained relationships. Heavier medication, attendance at Alcoholics Anonymous, and an intensified spiritual journey marked this period.

The more Anna embraced spirituality, the more her road to recovery progressed. Her recovery became largely dependent on her participation in volunteer work, church attendance, and daily prayer. She let go of the weight of alcoholism and disobedience and shifted her attention to kindness, guidance, and forgiveness. Anna has dedicated her life to kindness, philanthropy, and leading a vegetarian lifestyle despite her turbulent past.

Anna Cornelia’s case exemplifies the complex interplay between mental health, spirituality, and personal resilience. From the initial misdiagnosis of schizophrenia to her transformative journey, Anna’s story underscores the importance of holistic approaches in mental health care, emphasizing the significance of spiritual well-being alongside medical interventions.

Anna Cornelia’s journey through schizophrenia is deeply intertwined with her spiritual experiences and the profound impact of prayer and spirituality on her recovery. Anna firmly believes in the spiritual nature of her illness, rooted in the channeling experience that marked the onset of her schizophrenia. Despite facing skepticism and arguments from others, she maintains the conviction that her journey toward healing is inherently tied to her spiritual connection.

Key Points on the Role of Spirituality

Distinctly Spiritual Start: Anna’s schizophrenia commenced with a distinctly spiritual experience – the act of channeling. This early encounter set the tone for the spiritual aspects woven into her illness.

Communication with Angels: Throughout her journey, Anna has experienced communication with angelic beings and an authoritative voice from above. These encounters have been recurrent and have played a pivotal role in shaping her spiritual beliefs.

 Impact of Lifestyle Choices: Anna has noticed a direct correlation between the spiritual nature of her life choices and the severity of her symptoms. Engaging in behaviors contrary to her spiritual principles, such as drinking and causing harm to others, intensifies her symptoms. Conversely, a loving and spiritual lifestyle leads to a notable reduction in the severity of her voice.

 Controllable Voices through Spirituality: The intensity of Anna’s voices decreases to the point where she can control them, frequently with the help of music therapy, when she adopts a loving and spiritual mindset. Positive messages of empowerment, thankfulness, and healing start to come through in the voices.

 Personal Perspective on Spirituality

Anna emphasizes that her experience may not be universal, but for her, spirituality is not merely an aspect of life; it is the meaning of life itself. The profound love she felt from the beings above motivates her daily quest to reconnect with that source, reinforcing the central role spirituality plays in her ongoing journey of healing and self-discovery.

The testimony of Anna Cornelia emphasizes the transformational power of spirituality and prayer in navigating the complexities of mental health, particularly when it comes to schizophrenia. As she continues to integrate these elements into her life, the positive impact on symptom management and overall well-being offers valuable insights into the potential synergy between spiritual practices and mental health recovery²².

3.5 Report on the Case Study from Mercy et al., 2020: A Complex Presentation of Paranoid Schizophrenia

This case study, documented by²³, revolves around an African adult male presenting a complex array of symptoms associated with paranoid schizophrenia. The patient sought help at a psychiatric unit reporting auditory hallucinations, loss of appetite, and behavioral disturbances over 10 months.

The patient, an urban-dwelling male, exhibited a range of distressing symptoms, including hearing voices, loss of appetite, and a pervasive sense of being targeted by external forces. Notably, he engaged in physically abusive behavior toward his family members, particularly his mother and sister. His delusional beliefs extended to receiving death threats, evidenced by an unfamiliar phone call perceived as a signal for imminent harm.

The patient lived in the city with his mother and sister and had a girlfriend in a different suburb. There was no family history of mental or physical illness, and his past medical history included paranoid delusions. The introverted personality type was typified by this trait. Financial difficulties resulted from the patient taking a leave of absence from work due to a perceived illness; during an attempt to withdraw funds, the patient was arrested.

Upon admission, the patient exhibited signs of emaciation, informal dressing, apprehensive behavior, and fatuous laughter. Auditory hallucinations involving conversations with a man and a woman, along with persecutory delusions, were prominent. Paranoid thoughts led to the patient avoiding his parental home and seeking refuge with a friend.

Given the severity of symptoms and risk factors associated with male sex and urban upbringing, the patient underwent electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) at the psychiatric unit. This treatment, while addressing the psychotic features, introduced a potential risk of tonic-clonic seizures. Suspected adherence concerns and poor insight prompted the administration of medications under directly observed therapy (DOT) during the hospital stay.

This case study illustrates the intricate challenges presented by paranoid schizophrenia. The patient’s complex symptomatology, involving auditory hallucinations, persecutory delusions, and behavioral disturbances, necessitated a comprehensive treatment approach. The utilization of ECT and directly observed therapy reflects the multifaceted nature of managing this debilitating mental health condition. Further research and exploration are warranted to enhance our understanding of the nuanced manifestations and effective interventions for paranoia.

3.6 Summarizing the key findings and insights from this chapter

Recapitulating the main conclusions and revelations from this chapter, it is clear that studying prophets and prophecy in Aladura Churches like the Celestial Church of Christ (CCC), Cherubim & Seraphim (C&S) Unification Church, and the Christ Apostolic Church (CAC) has given important insights into the various ways that prophetic practices manifest. Additionally, exploring the intriguing connection between prophecy and schizophrenia has shed light on the challenges of distinguishing religious experiences from mental health conditions.

The overview of prophets in ancient Israel served as a foundational exploration, highlighting the integral role of prophets in conveying divine messages and shaping the spiritual landscape of the community. The Aladura Churches’ prophetic practices have evolved, and this historical background has shown how these religious movements have incorporated prophetic elements into their spiritual traditions.

Certain patterns surfaced in the analysis of prophecy in the Christ Apostolic Church, the Cherubim & Seraphim Unification Church, and the Celestial Church of Christ. Each denomination exhibited unique approaches to prophetic activities, with the common thread of emphasizing the importance of divine communication and revelation. The nuanced differences in their practices and beliefs contribute to a richer understanding of the diversity within the Aladura movement.

The intriguing exploration of the relationship between prophecy and schizophrenia opened a new dimension of inquiry. By delving into case studies and real-life examples of individuals who were initially misdiagnosed as schizophrenic due to their religious experiences, the chapter underscores the complexities of distinguishing between spiritual encounters and mental health conditions. This raises crucial questions about the intersection of faith and mental health, urging a nuanced perspective when evaluating religious phenomena.

In conclusion, the chapter provides a comprehensive exploration of prophets and prophecy, spanning from ancient Israel to contemporary Aladura churches. The inquiry into the relationship between prophecy and schizophrenia adds a layer of complexity to the discourse, emphasizing the need for sensitivity and discernment when interpreting religious experiences. This chapter serves as a valuable contribution to the broader understanding of religious practices and their implications for both individual believers and the broader communit

End Notes

1. Nolan JA, McEvoy JP, Koenig HG, Hooten EG, Whetten K, Pieper CF. . “Religious coping and quality of life among individuals living with schizophrenia.” Psychiatr Serv; 63:105, 2012: 1-4.
2. Beattie and J. Middleton. ““Introduction,” Spirit Mediumship and Society in Africa.” New York: Africana Publishing Corporation, xxiii-xix, 2019.
3. Bainuoba and Welbourn. “Spirit Possession.” 2018.
4. Overholt Thomas . “The Channels of Prophecy.” 2019: 81.
5. Dada, I. O. “African Initiated Churches in the 20th Century: The Celestial Church of Christ.” Hors de France, 2017.
6. Alokan J.A. “Christ Apostolic Church at 90 (1918-2008).” Ile-Ife, Timade Ventures, 2010.
7. Folarin, G.O. “Studies in Old Testament Prophecy.” Bukuru: ACTS, 2014.
8. Ijaduola H.A. “The Socio-Ethical Implications Of Prophecy In Christ Apostolic Church,” A Long Essay Submitted To The Department Of Religious Studies, University Of Ibadan,
9. Akinsulure, S.A. “Biblical Leadership Styles: Implications for Christ Apostolic Church’s Administration in the South western states of Nigeria.” 2015.
10. Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Aladura.” Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Aladura, 2021.
11. Jio Saavn. “The Roles Seers, Prophets, And Elders Play In The Spirituality Of C&S Church Nigeria.” Spirituality In The Cherubim And Seraphim Church Nigeria, 2022.
12. Adetonah, A. “Lumière sur le Christianisme Céleste (in French).” 2019: 85.
13. Tola Adele. “Who is JIHMARTA and why do most Celestial Church Prophets mention the name.” https://www.celestialchurchblog.com/2022/10/who-is-jihmarta-and-why-do-most-prophets-make-use-it.html, 2022.
14. Murray, ED.; Cunningham MG; Price BH. “The role of psychotic disorders in religious history considered.” The Journal of Neuropsychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences. 24 (4): 410–26., 2015.
15. Sylvia Mohr, Philippe Huguelet. “The relationship between schizophrenia and religion and its implications for care.” SWISS MED WKLY 2004; 134:369–376 · smw.ch, 2018.
16. Huguelet P, Mohr S, Borras L, Gillieron C, Brandt PY. “Spirituality and religious practices among outpatients with schizophrenia and their clinicians.” Psychiatr Serv;57:366-72, 2016.
17. Mohr S, Huguelet P. “The relationship between schizophrenia and religion and its implications for care.” Swiss Med Wkly; 134:369-76, 2017.
18. Sandeep Grover, Triveni Davuluri, Subho Chakrabarti. “Religion, Spirituality, and Schizophrenia: A Review.” Indian Journal of Psychological Medicine, 2018.
19. Mohr S, Borras L, Nolan J, Gillieron C, Brandt PY,Eytan A, et al. “Spirituality and religion in outpatients with schizophrenia: A multi-site comparative study of Switzerland, Canada, and the United States.” Int J Psychiatry Med; 44, 2016: 29-52.
20. Mohr S, Borras L, Nolan J, Gillieron C, Brandt PY,Eytan A, et al. “Spirituality and religion in outpatients with schizophrenia: A multi-site comparative study of Switzerland, Canada, and the United States.” Int J Psychiatry Med; 44:29-52, 2012.
21. Cohen CI, Jimenez C, Mittal S. “The role of religion in the well-being of older adults with schizophrenia.” Psychiatr Serv;61:917-22, 2018.
22. Anna Cornelia Beyer. “Schizophrenia as a Spiritual Experience and The Power of Prayer and Love.” Schizophrenia Bulletin https://doi.org/10.1093/schbul/sbac073, 2022.
23. Mercy N. A. Opare-Addo, Josephine Mensah, and Grace Owusu Aboagye. “A Case of Schizophrenia in a Young Male Adult with no History of Substance Abuse: Impact of Clinical Pharmacists’ Interventions on Patient Outcome.” Case Reports in Psychiatry, 2020.

CHAPTER FOUR

PROPHECY AND SCHIZOPHRENIA TODAY: COMPARISONS, APPLICATIONS, AND MENTAL HEALTH

4.1 Introduction

In the exploration of this chapter, we navigate the evolving landscape of prophecy in the 21st-century church, delving into its implications and, notably, its complex relationship with mental health, particularly in the context of schizophrenia. Beginning with a scrutiny of prophecy’s contemporary applications, the research unraveled how this ancient tradition takes shape in modern religious practices, adapting to the ever-changing dynamics of today’s spiritual landscape.

The comparative analysis that makes connections between the prophetic ministry portrayed in the Old Testament and its expressions in Aladura churches is a primary area of focus. The goal of this analysis is to shed light on the variations and continuities in prophetic practices over various historical periods. Furthermore, the study explored scholarly perspectives on the intersection of prophecy and mental health, honing in on the nuanced understanding of conditions like schizophrenia. By synthesizing academic insights, the study seeks to unravel the complexities surrounding the coexistence of religious experiences, prophetic ministry, and mental health conditions.

This chapter serves as a crucial bridge connecting ancient wisdom with modern challenges, offering a nuanced understanding of how prophecy, when intertwined with Aladura church practices, can impact mental health. The exploration sheds light on the relevance and potential implications of prophetic ministry in addressing the mental health needs of individuals in the 21st century, fostering a deeper comprehension of the intricate interplay between spiritual practices and mental well-being.

4.2 Application to the 21st Century Church

Whether prophecy or prophetic gifts are applicable in the twenty-first century is a thought-provoking question. Apostle Paul writes in 1 Corinthians 14:39, “My brethren, desire earnestly to prophesy, and do not forbid speaking in tongues.” This amazing notion that the Early Church received would change if the modern Church embraced it and made it her own. They believed that the invisible Holy Spirit, a manifestation of Jesus lived among them, having once physically walked among them. Through His servants’ inspired words, the same Christ who had spoken to them before now spoke to His disciples.

According to Umaru, prophecy is the constant voice of Jesus in the Church. It is evident from even a brief perusal of the Bible just how much prophetic activity there was in first-century congregations. The biblical texts that give specific details are Revelation, the Book of Acts, and Paul’s letters¹.

Textual evidence reveals that prophetic activity was experienced by the churches in the following fourteen cities: Jerusalem, Antioch, Ephesus, Tyre, Caesarea, Corinth, Thessalonica, Smyrna, Pergamum, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, Laodicea, and even Rome, the foreign capital of the imperial empire.

Given that prophecy was so frequently declared and experienced during that time, one may reasonably assume that it was common in the churches located in Asia, Italy, Syria, and Judea.

Three prophets, Agabus, Judas, and Silas, visited the churches, fanning the flames of prophecy that fueled the early Christian faith (Acts 15:22–32; 21:10–11). Paul’s statement attests to the prophets’ extensive participation. Paul stopped at Troas en route to Jerusalem, a serious voyage. Perhaps alluding to prophecy, Paul informed the Ephesian elders that “bonds and afflictions await me” in every place and that “the Holy Spirit gravely testifies to me” (Acts 20:23).

During the dispensation of the Holy Spirit, prophecy takes place when a Spirit-filled Christian is moved by God to receive a “revelation” (apokalupsis), and then, by the power of the Holy Spirit, shares that revelation with the assembled Church. This type of revelation “enables the Church to know something from the perspective of the Kingdom of God.” Prophecy’s core structure is built on numerous definitions: A Spirit-filled Christian (one of God’s people, a spiritual mediator) receives a revelation from God and verbally communicates it to the gathering Church (the general congregation of believers) under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit (inspiration, stimulation, prompting, encouragement, empowerment). This suggests that the Church needs to comprehend prophecy and prophetism in the twenty-first century.

4.2.1 God’s Revelation

Spiritual insight is a necessity for the Church. Prophecy is impossible without a firm grasp of the divine will. If it is fitting, that is not the product of the human mind creating a wonderful religious concept. It is an utterance from God, a message from above, a message for the present moment inspired by divine inspiration. Paul prayed for God to “grant you the revelation of Him, the spirit of wisdom, and the eyes of your understanding being enlightened.” Churches should still use this prayer today (1 Corinthians 1:17–18). It is a powerful influence on prophecy. When someone is “in the Spirit,” they speak without thinking, planning, or studying; rather, for the benefit of His people, God speaks through them. (1 Corinthians 14:3, 29–31; Acts 13:2, 19:6, 21:11). “When a believer speaks what they have received after hearing, seeing, or sensing a prompting from the Holy Spirit, “this revelation “occurs.” In 1 Corinthians 14:32, Paul cautions against becoming irrational or insane when prophesying in the church. The belief that biblical prophecy is an exuberant, non-verbal encounter that renders a person insane is often maintained by individuals who have not engaged in any of the “utterance gifts”—prophecy, tongues, or tongues interpretation. (1 Corinthians 12:10).

According to Acts 13:2, 19:6, 21:11, 1 Corinthians 14:3–14:29–31, and other scriptures, If a Spirit-filled believer conveys a revelation intended for prophecy orally to the assembled church, it cannot be regarded as prophecy.

God specifically uses prophecy to benefit His Church. The church is the best setting for the Holy Spirit to work on the problems and situations of the day. As was previously mentioned, prophecy is more than just a potent religious concept. Moreover, no matter how beautiful, prophecy is not trustworthy just because it is spoken by a gifted churchgoer or a well-known community leader. Because the Holy Spirit is involved, prophecy is unique. Since the spoken word is connected to the Holy Spirit, prophecy is “anointed”. Samuel anointed David as an emblem of God’s all-pervading might.

4.2.2 A Gift to the Church

So, Spirit-filled people frequently use the word “anointed” to refer to someone who has received the gift of the Holy Spirit. Moving and motivated to continue, the Spirit communicates through the speaker. People are charmed by what they hear because of the message’s divinely enhanced content and delivery. The message has that special “bell tone” that, if it is from God, encourages assurance and serenity.

4.2.3 Not Public Address

Interpreters and translators of the Bible often encounter a challenging issue when discussing the topics of Combining tongues and prophecy in 1 Corinthians 12–14. Prophecy is distinguished from preaching or teaching by the tenses of the Greek verbs. As a result, some people think that the Bible’s public pronouncements are prophecies.

The Septuagint translators regularly substitute the Greek word prophetic, which means “to prophesy,” for Hebrew words meaning “prophecy.” Pro, which means “forth,” and phemi, which means “to speak,” are the roots of this word. The writers of the New Testament adopted this usage. The word is used frequently in both Hebrew and Christian Scriptures, indicating the word’s historical continuity (ibid).

Paul is reluctant to distinguish while discussing the functions and abilities of the church, there is a difference between prophecy and teaching (Romans 12:6-7; 1 Corinthians 12:28; 14:6; Ephesians 4:11). Finding the difference between prophecy and instruction or sermonizing is the only reasonable conclusion. Teachers and preachers make previously taught material relevant by applying it. Since prophecy is based on human creativity, it ignores reason and occurs now. While prophecy conveys God’s specific purpose in a specific manner, preaching and teaching provide a thorough knowledge of the laws of God for a life of growth, service, and happiness.

Prophecy is the information revealed by the Holy Spirit in an inspired moment. The overpowering impression of God’s might and presence often inspires a declaration of God’s thinking with greater vigor than regular speaking. Acts 11:27–30 records Agabus’s prophecy of famine, which was only possible through divine insight and could not have been obtained by research or inquiry.

Still, prophecy, instruction, and preaching go hand in hand. These essential abilities, both elevate the local Christian populace and their devotion to doctrine and call for the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. Prophecy and teaching are complementary; in Antioch, for instance, teachers and prophets worked together (Acts 13:1). Preaching and prophecy should go hand in hand, according to David Schoch². The goals of prophecy are threefold: to uplift the local church; to humanize the lofty, general truths of Scripture; and to make them applicable in a casual, everyday context. Although these prophecies should be examined and evaluated, preaching and teaching should take up more time in the assembly than these statements. Genuine prophecy does not aim to subjugate the Church, contradict the Bible, or replace it. Similarly, prophecy is not something to be undervalued or ignored.

4.2.4. For the Edification of the Church

1 Corinthians 14:3, where Paul says, “One who prophesies speaks to men for edification and exhortation and consolation,” is the verse that commentators most frequently cite to explain the function and purpose of prophecy. “Prediction uplifts; it empowers the believer; it commands; it agitates the believer; it soothes; it uplifts the believer,” is how Glenn Foster summarizes this verse³. Prophecy is a special use of the Holy Spirit that edifies rather than replaces other edifying acts. Among all the activities of the Spirit that fortify the fellowship, prophecy is the most noteworthy.

This strengthening, encouraging, motivating, exhorting, and consoling is all part of this up-building or prophecy-based edification. God gives His people guidelines on how to live by His Word. Since prophecy is the most essential gift for a congregation to flourish, it is vital in church life. In contrast to the other eight focused “rifle” gifts, which usually bless an individual or a small group, prophecy is a “shotgun” talent that has the ability to bless a large number of people at once.

Prophecy is the most definitive way that God reveals His will, and it is crucial because it is God’s revelation for the specific occasion on which the congregation is assembled. It is a special anointing given for a particular purpose at a predetermined time by the sovereign Spirit. In light of the current needs and spiritual state of the local Church, God has something important to say about prophecy at this present time. Grudem argues that prophecy is better than other gifts because it is based on revelation, which enables it to be customized to meet the unique needs of the moment—needs that God alone may be aware of. See Romans 8:26–27 and 1 Corinthians 14:25. (Ibid).

4.3 Comparative Analysis of Prophetic Ministry in the Old Testament and Contemporary Churches

One school of thought dates the beginning of prophecy in the Israelite religion to the time of Moses. The Torah’s witness served as the foundation for their case. Scholars argued that Yahweh created the prophetic institution and that it was not taken from any nearby Near Eastern nation. This position could be justified for three reasons⁴. They are as follows:

1. Moses served as the Jewish people’s model for prophetic parsonages based on comparison (Deut. 18:15–18; 34:10).
2. The names of other prophets among the Israelites (Moses, Deut. 18:19; 34:10; Num. 11:26–29; 12:5-8; Aaron, Ex. 7:1, Miriam, Ex. 15:20, Deborah, Judges 4:4) first came to our attention during the time of Moses.
3. The word “prophet” only occurs once regarding Abraham, in the Old Testament, in Genesis 20:7. This occurred prior to Moses’s time.

As previously mentioned, the public’s perception of the characters in the aforementioned texts led to their designation as “prophets.” When Israel arrived in Canaan, the previously mentioned individuals were living. This implies that the patriarchal era may have been the genesis of the prophetic tradition in Israel. Israel’s prophetic institution was founded by Samuel. He claims that from the time of Moses’ death until Samuel’s time, the voice of prophecy was truly heard. During Samuel’s time, the prophetic movement gained prominence and organization. According to⁵, during this period, some Israeli cities had prophetic schools, and the students were referred to as “sons of the prophets.” As a result, Samuel formally established the prophetic institution, which was founded by Moses, the mediator of the old covenant.

4.3.1 Old Covenant Prophetic Ministry

According to the Old Testament, a divine word had the capacity to create in its most pure form and was perceived as having been spoken by God. The word itself was living and active; it was compared to a hammer and fire in Jeremiah 23:29 and was endowed with the ability to fulfill itself (Isa. 55:11). It has the power over both death and life (Prov. 18:21). So the word of God creates the heavens (Gen. 1–2, 2 Pet. 3–5), releases healing (Ps. 107–20), and gives “resurrection life” (Ezek. 37:1–ff). God’s creative potential and divine essence are inherent in all of His words and expressions. The power to manifest itself is inherent in the Word of God. Therefore, “the King’s scepter is stretched forth with every true prophetic word; his power and authority are released into the earth, changing the course of human history and the destiny of nations.”

The Old Testament is replete with instances of the prophetic word. The prophets are God’s human messengers, and their word is so essential to God’s work on earth that it seems that every act of God begins with their words (Amos 3:7, Isa. 44:26). The Old Covenant prophetic ministry was mainly carried out by a select group of individuals known as prophets. The term “nabi” (found in biblical Hebrew approximately 309 times) is most commonly used to refer to a prophet, whether a genuine or fake one (see Deut. 13:1–5). Genuine prophets were messengers; individuals who represented God. The so-called “oral prophets” included Samuel (1 Samuel, 2 Kings), Nathan (2 Samuel 7:2-3), Ahijah (1 Kings 11:29–31), Elijah and Elisha (1 & 11 Kings), Moses (Deut. 34:10), Deborah (Judges 4:4), Miriam (Ex 15:20), Huldah (2 Kings 22:14), and the literary prophets, which are the sixteen prophets who wrote the last seventeen books of the Bible. The prophecy was evident in the earlier patriarchs, particularly Abraham, even though it was first documented in Samuel’s life and ministry (1 Samuel 9:10). Matthew 11:13 states that the prophetic ministry of the Old Covenant came to an end with John the Baptist, who served as the last exemplar of the Old Testament type.

The only representatives of God were the Old Testament prophets. They did not blend in with society or traditions; instead, they operated on their own. However, on other occasions, after the Spirit descended upon them, non-prophets have been seen prophesying as a passing gift. For example, the seventy elders (Num. 11:25) and Saul (1 Sam. 19:23–24). When Moses thought about it, this seemed desirable (Num. 11:29).

It is important to acknowledge that when analyzing the nature of Old Covenant prophetic ministry, several constraints make it challenging to draw firm conclusions. Using historical records is a major factor in all of this. For instance, the method by which prophecies were documented is unknown; it is possible that the prophets’ disciples or themselves wrote the prophetic oracles. In addition, a significant percentage of prophetic writings are found in poetry and take the form of cryptic riddles and allegorical forms that are challenging to decipher or quantify. As⁶ it states, “The accounts of the prophet’s words and deeds have been passed down to us as customs concerning different people concerning their period, along with organizational, processing, additions, and editing remarks.” The prophetic traditions themselves were greatly influenced by the extensive editing and transmission process in which they were included. Language usage that is so ambiguous, with so many possible interpretations, might make us hesitant to make firm judgments about the nature of prophecy and its fulfillment. As Traut comments, endless debates still exist today over what has been fulfilled and what has not.

4.3.2 Prophetic Ministry in the Contemporary Church

Teachers, pastors (shepherds), and evangelists have long been recognized by the modern church as ministry gifts to the church. It is only recently that church leaders are proclaiming the restoration of prophets and apostles (Eph. 4:9-11).

Most modern prophetic ministries still hold that the human vessel has an impact on how the prophetic word is delivered. Traut attests to various degrees of revelation based on his personal experience, stating that “like any gift, there are times when the anointing is stronger, the faith is stronger, and there are times when the revelation is clear and times when it is not.” He makes the argument that the Old Covenant prophets may have had a higher chance of success because they had more time to “polish up their words”—compare the experience of a daily prophet to that of a yearly prophet.

Furthermore, the way that the prophecy is received varies because God’s revelation is received through all of the spiritual senses—”words, sounds, feelings, my whole being”—rather than just words. Most predictions involved some element of the past, present, or future. While acknowledging that the recipient’s perceptions may also be in play, it is generally accepted that the recipient is the best arbiter of the prophecy’s degree of accuracy. Put another way, even if the hearer does not believe the prophecy to be true, it might still be true. It seems that the hearers of the prophecies viewed them as highly accurate overall. In prophecies with historical allusions. Tests of the word are, of course, necessary given the knowledge that modern prophecy may differ in accuracy. It is the prophecy, not the prophet that should be tested, according to Traut⁷.

4.4 Scholarly Perspectives on Prophecy and Mental Health

Research on religion and spirituality is becoming more prevalent in the field of psychiatry. Psychotic delusions, neurosis, and hysteria have long been linked to religious practices and beliefs. Nonetheless, research has revealed an additional aspect of religion that could function as a social and psychological tool for managing stress.

Despite astounding advancements in science and technology, 90% of people on the planet still engage in some kind of spiritual or religious activity. Less than 0.1% of people in many Middle Eastern and African nations identify as nonreligious. Out of 238 countries, only 8 have populations where over 25% identify as nonreligious, and those are the nations where restrictions on religious freedom have been imposed by the government. In actuality, atheism is uncommon worldwide. Atheists make up no more than 5% of the population in just 12 out of 238 countries more than 30 countries report having no atheists at all (0%).

Using contemporary neuropsychiatric and behavioral neurologic principles, a survey of the medical literature found minimal mention of these particular concerns. It was required to study whether applying behavioral neurologic and neuropsychiatric concepts to the revelation experiences of well-known religious luminaries may give fresh insights into their nature. This study aimed to investigate the possibility that people’s Psychotic symptoms could have played a significant role in shaping the evolution of Western civilization as well as to educate the public, medical professionals, and individuals suffering from mental illness about the reasonable limits of human experience. Three factors were taken into consideration when selecting the personalities for analysis:

1. The existence of accounts describing the person’s mystical experiences and behaviors;
2. The possibility that these experiences are comparable to mental disorders; and
3. The person’s life stories have had a significant influence on Western culture, influencing concepts of social order, law, religion, philosophy, literature, and the arts.

This study examines St. Paul, Jesus, Moses, Abraham, and history from a diagnostic perspective. The inquest is designed to contribute to a greater understanding and compassion for individuals suffering from schizophrenia or mental illness by converting the widespread love, devotion, and reverence for these religious figures into something more constructive.

4.4.1 Abraham

The earliest narratives of Abraham’s life—the patriarch of Islam, Christianity, and Judaism—can be found in the Bible. There is some scholarly disagreement over Abraham’s historical existence. While there is some disagreement on this, it is generally accepted that the events that occurred during his lifetime occurred between 2000 and 1630 BCE. It is said that he had auditory and visual interactive mystical experiences that shaped his behavior for the majority of his life. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, or DSM-IV-TR, ⁸ shares a lot of similarities with the phenomenology discussed here. By applying the DSM-IV-TR paradigm, it is feasible to define Abraham’s auditory and visual perceptual experiences and actions as paranoid-type (schizophrenia subtype) thinking content, auditory hallucinations (AH), visual hallucinations (VH), and delusions with religious content. Together, these psychiatric features show as a constellation of psychotic diseases that can arise from primary psychiatric causes as well as secondary causes such as neurological and medical conditions9. The DSM-IV-TR states that in order to diagnose schizophrenia, a patient must first meet five additional criteria, including meeting at least two of the five symptoms listed in Criterion A. In theory, the existence of his visual and auditory perceptual experiences could satisfy Criterion A. Abraham is not described as displaying symptoms that are currently recognized as negative psychiatric symptoms like emotional flattening, alogia, or avolition, or as cognitive impairments like poor concentration, attention, memory, disorganization, or catatonia. Because there is not enough information about his life available, we cannot determine whether he declined in social or occupational functioning in comparison to the time before the onset of his perceptual experiences, as indicated by Criterion B. His experiences persisted for a century or more, which satisfies the requirements of Criterion C regarding the duration and persistence of symptoms. His alleged lifetime of 175 years without any documented ailment is suggestive of his generally robust health.

Abraham didn’t seem to have any severe manic or depressive symptoms, which reduced the possibility that he had psychoses linked to mood disorders, like schizoaffective disorder, bipolar disorder, or depression with psychotic features.

It is necessary to investigate additional possible causes of these experiences. It is well known that mystical experiences can result from the consumption of hallucinogenic substances. While speculation has been raised about the significance of psychotropic herbs to the ancient Israelites, there is little hard evidence to support their actual use for inducing mystical experiences in this group (Shannon, 2008). Mystic experiences resulting from epilepsy could be another explanation. Ictal, postictal, or interictal symptoms of schizophrenia are present in about 2%–7% of epileptics; however, these symptoms should not be confused with primary psychotic disorders^{10, 11}; religious experiences may be connected to 2.2% of seizures with temporal lobe onset. Complex partial seizure disorders are known to be associated with grandiose and messianic-type delusions.

According to published events, ictal religious experiences can be breathtaking or enthusiastic, but they often fall short of adequately expressing complicated or subtle information¹². Postictal psychosis (PIP) is more prevalent and frequently occurs around seizure clusters, and it might also be connected to a recent rise in seizure frequency. It occurs in up to 18% of people with medically uncontrolled focal epilepsy and is considered to be responsible for 25% of psychosis in epilepsy Elliot cases. Up to 25% of PIP patients may experience religious delusions. Religious delusions are present in just 2% of individuals who develop interictal psychosis¹³. If not otherwise easily distinguished from schizophrenia, internictal psychosis may show affect preservation, a reduction in negative symptoms, and possibly even increased insight.

The positive symptomatology of delusions, hallucinations, and thought disorders may account for the greater similarities. Although reliable prevalence data are hard to come by, it has been reported that between 30% and 60% of patients with partial seizures will also develop secondary generalized seizures¹⁴.

Abraham is not said to have any medical conditions that might be comparable to those that are currently recognized to occur in conjunction with seizures. In particular, there are no indications of repetitive behaviors, including but not limited to, uncontrollably shaking the entire body or just a portion of it, orofacial movements, automatisms, stereotyped behavioral changes, spells of staring, losing consciousness, falling, biting one’s tongue, or incontinence. Since seizures are usually more categorized and less flexible, his capacity to communicate in numerous ways that his hallucinations wouldn’t point to an ictal change in perception. Amnesia occurs during and immediately most often complicated partial seizures and most generalized seizures. Individuals also often display baseline daily cognitive abnormalities in the executive and memory areas¹⁵.

Abraham does not appear to have had any kind of cognitive impairment, amnestic periods, or uncontrollable motor events. Although it cannot be ruled out, the information at hand does not strongly suggest a postictal or interictal psychotic state. If there are no obvious neurological, medical, or affective disorders, there is a greater chance that a psychotic disorder is present.

In addition to disorganized behavior, disorganized thought processes that obstruct daily functioning are frequently associated with schizophrenia. It is not evident that Abraham or the others who follow are disorganized or have cognitive impairments. However, one subtype of schizophrenia that has been associated with better social and vocational functioning is paranoid schizophrenia (PS) little to no disorganization, and preserved functional affect.

Psychotic disorder, not otherwise described, is an additional useful diagnostic option (PD NOS). Individuals with psychotic symptomatology who do not meet the criteria for any specific psychotic disease or whose information is incomplete or contradictory are included in the PD NOS. Abraham’s clinical profile is less likely, psychosis associated with an affective disorder, most akin to that of PS or PD NOS. Abraham is acknowledged as the first known instance of a possible psychotic illness in recorded history¹⁶.

4.4.2 Moses

It is believed that the events of the biblical story of Moses took place between 1550 and 1200 BCE. Moses’ life stories contain a wealth of information about his upbringing, way of living, beliefs, deeds, and perceptions. The DSM-IV-TR-defined symptoms of hyper-religiosity, grandiosity, delusions, paranoia, referential thinking, and phobia (about people seeing his face) are the closest analogies to Moses’ perceptual experiences and behaviors. Schizophrenia, affective disorders, and schizoaffective disorder can all have many of these traits. Moses also didn’t seem to be experiencing any negative psychiatric symptoms, disorganization, catatonia, or issues with focus, memory, or concentration. Theoretically, his experiences that resemble hallucinations and delusions could satisfy Criterion A for schizophrenia. According to Exodus 2:15-22, It is possible to argue that Moses’ social and professional functioning decreased from that of a purportedly well-educated member of the royal family of Egypt to that of someone who left Egyptian society to work as a shepherd in a foreign land on the outskirts of the desert, satisfying Criterion B. He probably went through a prodromal loss in functioning before psychosis came in because he fled Egypt before AH and VH showed up. The term “prodrome” denotes the earliest indications and symptoms of a disease that appear before the distinguishing signs and symptoms of an acute, fully established illness. In 70% of patients, a prodromal period may last months to up to 10 years, and in rare instances, up to 20 years, before the onset of schizophrenia.

Criteria C is satisfied because Moses’ experiences spanned more than 40 years. His social functioning and leadership talents were sufficiently intact, therefore it is less likely that he went through phases of severe major depression or florid mania that would have impaired his effectiveness as a leader. This may satisfy Criterion D since it lessens the possibility of psychosis linked to mood disorders. It is worth noting that the religious social functioning and leadership talents were sufficiently intact, therefore it is less likely that he went through phases of severe major depression or florid mania that would have impaired his effectiveness as a leader. This may satisfy Criterion D since it lessens the possibility of psychosis linked to mood disorders. It is worth noting that the religious texts known as the Pentateuch, which are ascribed to Moses, may indicate the existence of an overly strong desire to write. Hypergraphia, although commonly associated with mixed moods, mania, or hypomania, can also manifest as a characteristic of both temporal lobe epilepsy and schizophrenia. Trimble asserts that individuals diagnosed with schizophrenia and epilepsy rarely generate imaginative hypergraphs¹⁷. They often possess an ambiguous, enduring characteristic and a vaguely enigmatic attribute. The author observes that the prevalence of mood disorders among poets is significantly higher compared to the very limited number of poets diagnosed with epilepsy or schizophrenia. Therefore, given Moses’ situation, the association between psychoses and mood disorders remains highly credible.

Moses’ metabolic dysregulations and his attribution of changed behavior and perception to intoxicated hallucinations are not mentioned in the Bible. As previously stated, there is a lack of distinctive attributes that would indicate epilepsy as the underlying cause for mystical phenomena. Throughout his extensive lifespan, spanning over a century, he consistently refuted the notion of advancing medical or neurological ailments. A diagnosis of PS would be met if there is a high occurrence without any indications of a disorder, adverse psychotic conditions, or cognitive impairment, of delusions and hallucinations¹⁸.

Some people with PS have been shown to have a higher inclination toward violence. One could argue that Moses’ increased inclination toward violence supports a PS diagnosis. Bipolar disorder, schizoaffective disorder, and PD NOS are all plausible diagnostic alternatives. Is it appropriate to give Moses credit for the first five books of the Bible, his writing skills would be better suited for someone with bipolar disorder or possibly schizoaffective disorder.

4.4.3 Jesus

Jesus, the main character is estimated to have lived from 7.2 BCE to 26.3–66 CE, the time of Christianity. The New Testament (NT) claims that delusions, AHs, VHs, referential thinking, thought content of the paranoid type (PS subtype), and hyper-religiosity are all symptoms that the DSM-IV-TR defines as remarkably comparable to the experiences and actions that Jesus had. Additionally, Jesus didn’t seem to be exhibiting any negative psychiatric symptoms, disorganization, cognitive decline, or symptoms of a crippling mood disorder. None of the NT accounts of Jesus mention any illness. It raises the question of whether malnourishment and metabolic imbalances were potential reasons for the alterations in perception and conduct. Malnutrition and metabolic disorders may have contributed to Jesus’ hallucinogenic experiences during his 40-day fast in the wilderness (Luke 4:1–13). Arguably, he experienced revelations or mystical experiences both before and after his fasting in the desert, which would refute these theories as explanations for all of his experiences. There is no indication of malnutrition or abnormal metabolism during these times. If anything, it appears from the accounts of Jesus and his disciples that they had a relatively healthy diet in comparison to those of John the Baptist, who lived at the same time as him (Luke 7:33–34). Although psychotic symptoms associated with epilepsy are conceivable, Jesus is not said to be displaying any of the typical symptoms of epilepsy that were previously identified.

Insufficient information prevents the establishment of a decrease in his social and occupational functioning. It seems that his experiences took place during the year prior to his passing. When there are no obvious epilepsy symptoms or physical illnesses, primary psychiatric causes seem more likely. As demonstrated by the earlier cases, Jesus’ experiences might be understood in terms of PS or NOS psychosis. Other plausible explanations could be schizoaffective and bipolar disorders.

The lifetime risk of suicide for those with schizophrenia ranges from 5% to 10%¹⁹. A suicide is classified as a self-inflicted death that displays a wish to end one’s life. The New Testament tells how Jesus took safety measures until he surrendered to being taken prisoner, knowing that there were people who wished to kill him. He gave his people advance information of why his death was imperative that he return (Matthew 16:21–28; Mark 8:31; John 16:16–28). If this is how it happened, then Jesus seems to have purposely positioned himself in a scenario where he knew he would be killed. Even though schizophrenia is connected to an increased risk of suicide, this is not a common condition. There were other risk variables, such as age and male gender, but none of the more prevalent mood disorders that accompany suicide, like despair, despondency, and social exclusion. “Any incident in which a suicidal individual causes his or her death to be carried out by another person” is the definition of suicide-by-proxy. Before his death, Jesus might have premeditated a kind of suicide-by-proxy, based on his attitudes and deeds.

4.4.4 Paul (Saul of Tarsus)

The first-century common period was Paul’s lifetime. There has been speculation that temporal lobe epilepsy may have contributed to his experiences with religion. We would submit that the experiences can be described without mentioning epilepsy. St. Paul showed notable mood swings in his letters by expressing a wide spectrum of emotions, from pleasure to grief. According to 2 Corinthians 12:2–9, Paul approved of a profusion of exquisite visual and aural perceptual experiences that show similarities to grandiose hallucinations with delusional mental content. He showed symptoms of paranoia, such as increased piety and worries of demonic forces. These traits may coexist with intrinsic psychotic diseases as well as psychotic conditions associated with mood disorders. “A thorn was given me in the flesh, a messenger from Satan, to harass me, to keep me from being too elated,” according to St. Paul in 2 Corinthians 12:7. There have been claims that this thorn relates to epilepsy. According to some accounts, the thorn could have represented a physical disease, his fellow Jews’ hostility, or a bothersome demon.

It was believed that he perceived an apparition or heard a voice as a frightening demonic emissary from Satan. This perception may have prompted him to experience some negative comments of the kind typical of psychotic illnesses, leading to emotional distress.

It appears unlikely that Paul’s perceptual experiences are the result of a seizure ictus given the complexity of his interactions and the lack of evidence for more common epileptic accompaniments, such as previously reported recurrent stereotyped behavioral alterations and cognitive symptoms. Nonetheless, Paul exhibits several traits that are similar to the interictal personality traits mentioned by²⁰. These characteristics include deepened emotions, possibly circumstantial thought, increased concern with moral, philosophical, and religious issues, increased writing, often on topics about religion or philosophy, and possibly hyposexuality (1 Corinthians 7:8–9). Whether these traits are unique to epilepsy is debatable because most thorough studies do not identify a particular personality type linked to neurological conditions.

Schizophrenia and bipolar disorder may also have similar symptoms. As was already mentioned, mood disorders are more commonly linked to productive writing than to psychosis or epilepsy. This implies that Paul might not have epilepsy or schizophrenia, but rather a mood illness.

Paul’s sudden blindness during his religious conversion on the way to Damascus is thought to have happened (Acts 9:1–19, 22:6–13, 26:9–16). It has been suggested that this blindness was psychogenic or postictal. It is uncertain if Paul meant real visual blindness or metaphorical blindness, as he refers to those who do not share according to his immediate belief system (Acts 28:26; Romans 11:8, 11:10; 2 Corinthians 4:3-5; Ephesians 1:18), they are spiritually blind or have their eyes closed to spiritual truth. The differences between the three largest conversion-experience accounts are a contributing factor to this misunderstanding.

His conversion is detailed in Acts 26:12–18, where he is tasked by a vision of Jesus with opening the spiritual eyes of the people he will be sending. This account did not mention a word about sudden blindness that is subsequently corrected. Acts 26:12–18 uses the metaphor of blindness, which could imply that Paul’s blindness was likewise figurative and described his intense knowledge that he was suddenly lacking spiritual insight, or having his spiritual eyes closed, before the culmination of his conversion to the new religious organization. It is hypothesized that in such an emotional state, he may have needed support and emotional encouragement in order to get to Damascus.

Conversion disorder-related blindness is another possibility. The absence of other episodes of visual loss (i.e., lack of event stereotypy), the presence of complex, mood-congruent auditory-visual experiences that resemble hallucinations, or the absence of features typically associated with postictal blindness (a generalized seizure, anosognosia for deficit, or a gradual return of vision)²¹ do not well-fit a neurological pattern of vision loss that can be easily observed. Psychotic spectrum illness may be the cause of his mood swings, grandiose-like symptoms, elevated concerns about religious chastity, and perceptual experiences.^{22, and 23}

Some mental health conditions that could account for his schizoaffective disorder, psychosis NOS, psychosis related to mood disorders, and paranoid schizophrenia are among the many experiences and symptoms. Paul’s capacity for writing and organizing his ideas would lend credence to a theory linking his encounters with religion and mental disorders²⁴.

End Notes

1. Umaru, “Historical Overview of the Old Testament Prophecy and Prophetism: Its Application to the 21st Century Church,” Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences, 2023
2. David “The Prophetic Ministry” (Long Beach, Calif.: Bethany, 2017), 22.
3. Glenn Foster, The Purpose and Use of Prophecy,( Glendale, Ariz.: Sweetwater, 2018), 33.
4. H Akaabiam. “The Role of Prophecy in Nation Building.” African Journal of Biblical Studies, 2019.
5. O Folarin. Studies in Old Testament Prophecy, (Bukuru: ACTS, 2004).
6. Tania Harris. “A Comparative Analysis of Old Covenant Prophetic Ministry and New Covenant Prophetic Ministry. (Australia Harvest Bible College Melbourne 2014).
7. Traut, Ed. The Truth about Prophecy, (South Africa: Prophetic Voice Distributors, 1991)
8. American Psychiatric Association. “Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders.” 2013.
9. American Psychiatric Association. “Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th Edition, Text Revision.” Washington, DC, American Psychiatric Association, 2000: 297–343.
10. Peter Awojobi, “The ministry of Moses Orimolade and the prophetic tradition of Israel: An ecclesio-historical study.” Asεmka: A Bilingual Literary Journal of University of Cape Coast. 11. 10.47963/asmka.vi11(.434. , 2022: 48-63).
11. Lang. “Monotheism and the Prophetic Minority: An Essay in Biblical History and Sociology.” SWBAS 1 (Sheffield: Almond Press, 1983: 95.
12. Baiyewu, “The transformation of Aladura Christianity in Nigeria. “PhD. A thesis submitted to the Bayreuth International Graduate School of Africa Studies, University of Bayreuth, Germany, 2014.
13. Baiyewu. “The transformation of Aladura Christianity in Nigeria. “PhD. A thesis submitted to the Bayreuth International Graduate School of Africa Studies, University of Bayreuth, Germany, 2014.
14. Nadkarni, V. Arnedo and O. Devinsky. “Psychosis in epilepsy patients.” Epilepsia; (48(Suppl 9), 2007: 17–19).
15. Elliott B, Joyce E, Shorvon S. “Delusions, illusions, and hallucinations in epilepsy, 2.” complex phenomena and psychosis. Epilepsy Res 85: 2009: 172–186.
16. de Araújo Filho GM, da Silva JM, Mazetto L, et al. “Psychoses of epilepsy: a study comparing the clinical features of patients with focal versus generalized epilepsies.” Epilepsy Behav; 20, 2011: 655–658.
17. Landtblom AM, Lindehammar H, Karlsson H, et al: Insular cortex activation in a patient with “sensed presence”/ecstatic seizures. Epilepsy Behav 2011; 20:714–718. “Landtblom AM, Lindehammar H, Karlsson H, et al: Insular cortex activation in a patient with “sensed presence”/ecstatic seizures. Epilepsy Behav 2011; 20:714–718.” Epilepsy Behav; 20, 2011: 714–718.
18. Kanemoto K. “Postictal psychoses, in Progress in Epileptic Disorders: Neuropsychiatric Issues in Epilepsy.” Montrouge, France. Edited by Inoue Y, Matsuura M. John Libbey Eurotext, 2010: 27–34.
19. Trimble MR. “The Soul in the Brain: The Cerebral Basis of Language, Art, and Belief.” Baltimore, MD, Johns Hopkins, 2007: 101–114.
20. Professional Advisory Board, “Epilepsy Foundation Temporal Lobe Epilepsy,” http://www.epilepsyfoundation.org/about/types/syndromes/temporallobe.cfm; last accessed June 4, 2019)
21. Patrikelis P, Angelakis E, Gatzonis S. “Neurocognitive and behavioral functioning in frontal lobe epilepsy: a review.” Epilepsy Behav; 14, 2019: 19–26.
22. Evan D. Murray, M.D. Miles G. Cunningham, M.D., Ph.D. Bruce H. Price, M.D. “The Role of Psychotic Disorders in Religious History Considered.” Neuropsychiatry Clin Neurosci 24:4, 2012.
23. Geschwind, Norman. “Behavioural changes in temporal lobe epilepsy1.” Psychological Medicine2 (1979): 217-219.

• Moreira A.A., Cardeña E. “Differential diagnosis between non-pathological psychotic and spiritual experiences and mental disorders: a contribution from Latin American studies to the ICD-11.” Brazilian Journal of Psychiatry 33(1), 2018: S29-S36.

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATION

5.1 Summary

This research significantly advances our knowledge of the relationship between religious experiences, prophecies, and mental diseases such as schizophrenia. The comparative study makes clear the constant and changing characteristics of prophetic ministry by using Christ’s Apostolic Church as a case study and offers a framework for understanding its implications in both traditional and contemporary church settings. Examining academic viewpoints broadens our comprehension and highlights the importance of a culturally and religiously sensitive, holistic approach to mental health.

5.2 Conclusion

This study aimed to assess the current status of matters about prophecy and identify the knowledge gaps in contemporary medicine about the diagnosis and treatment of mental health disorders in connection with prophecy. This study highlights the value of keeping an open mind regarding religion, spirituality, and mental health issues. It also emphasizes the necessity of delaying the diagnosis of symptoms for as long as possible. It emphasizes how important it is to work together with different holistic specialists to develop a common understanding of the spiritual dimension. Seeing how important spirituality is to the healing process between people who are experiencing prophecy and mental health providers is a crucial first step toward improving the general well-being of those who are impacted.

Historically, mental health professionals have often regarded spiritual experiences resembling psychotic and dissociative disorders as indicators of pathology¹. In the context of prophecy, disorders like dissociative identity disorder (DID) and schizophrenia, which are marked by symptoms like hallucinations, delusions, disordered thoughts, and aberrant motor behavior, are often misdiagnosed. However, categorizing prophecy as a medical condition may not be appropriate.

Several distinctions exist between altered states of consciousness in prophecy and schizophrenia or psychosis. One key difference lies in volition: a prophet voluntarily enters and exits their altered state, while an individual with schizophrenia is subject to involuntary alterations. Another distinction pertains to the nature and content of thoughts; for instance, 50% of individuals with schizophrenia experience overtly hostile or paranoid-linked thoughts². People with schizophrenia are thought to blur different realms, such as the spiritual or mystical world and the tangible human world, sometimes failing to return from this journey³. A third contrast involves perception; some argue that religious hallucinations are predominantly visual, whereas individuals with schizophrenia often experience auditory hallucinations. The effect, sense of self, and relationship to the outside world are what make up the fourth difference. In contrast to prophets’ experiences, schizophrenia is characterized by flattened affect, inappropriate emotional expression, and disturbances in one’s sense of self⁴. These disparities prompt inquiries into whether differences in volition, thoughts, and perceptions are contingent on the practice or social acceptance of prophecy and whether additional factors, such as nutrition, need consideration for individuals experiencing hallucinations.

While certain pathological behaviors have been observed in less experienced prophets, they are also found to have weaker social support networks^{5, 6}. This raises the question: is an unsupported and unguided prophecy a manifestation of schizophrenia? Research conducted by Moreira indicates that in order to effectively incorporate prophecy during experiences with the paranormal, one needs to be well-supported and have a distinct understanding of their spiritual purpose. This could help to reduce distress.

Nevertheless, the current medical system often pathologizes such phenomena, contributing to distress. Individuals with validated prophetic abilities and sensitivity to paranormal phenomena may undergo emotional, mental, and psychospiritual stress. On the other hand, coping with these extraordinary experiences positively and healthily can lessen distress and possibly avoid ego-dystonic pathology diagnoses.

Health professionals have, at times, misdiagnosed prophets with mental disorders like schizophrenia and DID due to their ability to convey information from another dimension through automatic writing, painting, meditation, and other trance-like states. Individuals with extrasensory abilities may experience significant distress due to an overreliance on pathology to explain anomalous experiences.

5.3 Recommendation

Schizophrenia remains a condition that is not fully comprehended, and in the absence of comprehensive understanding, it is crucial to remain receptive to fresh perspectives to broaden that comprehension. This includes considering situations concerning mental states and treatments. Prophecy, being an extraordinary state of consciousness, does not necessitate a pathological diagnosis. Challenges such as lack of support, acceptance, and fear of the unknown may contribute to increased distress in affected individuals, potentially explaining the inclination of the current medical system to pathologize prophecy.

It becomes imperative to question the pathologizing of a mental state that is interpreted differently in various cultures. These queries would be less urgent if mental illnesses were better understood and treatment guidelines were highly effective. The concept of prophecy remains enigmatic and intricate due to its intangible nature.

The exploration of new perspectives on illness and spirituality is essential. The existing medical system often emphasizes pathology and maintains a reductionistic viewpoint. Holistic well-being encompasses factors such as nutrition, spirituality, social support, and environmental considerations. Relying solely on a uniform antipsychotic drug cannot offer sustainable relief to individuals dealing with mental health challenges. A deeper exploration and understanding of prophecy could foster increased acceptance, diminished stigma, and more varied options for distressed individuals. The spirit world, though largely unknown and considered taboo in scientific circles, could benefit from additional studies to establish connections between tangible and intangible life aspects. Clearer definitions of prophecy, religion, spirituality, and more are vital for enhancing general knowledge of similar phenomena. This research suggests that certain symptoms linked to schizophrenia might be likened to unguided prophecy.

Spirituality or religion can exert both positive and negative influences on physical, mental, and spiritual health and coping mechanisms. However, it is crucial to recognize that spirituality and religion are distinct concepts. One can be religious without being spiritual or vice versa. Unfortunately, these distinctions are often overlooked in scientific reports.

End Notes

1. A. Moreira, E. Cardeña. “Differential diagnosis between non-pathological psychotic and spiritual experiences and mental disorders: a contribution from Latin American studies to the ICD-11.” Brazilian Journal of Psychiatry 33(1), 2018: S29-S36.
2. Stephanie, Pharm.D. “Exploring the Relationship Between Schizophrenia and Mediumship: A Review.” Independent Scientist, Pharmacist, Montreal, Quebec, 2023.
3. Hultkrantz. “A Definition of Shamanism.” Temenos 9:25-37., 2018.
4. Noll. “Shamanism and Schizophrenia: A State-Specific Approach to the “Schizophrenia Metaphor” of Shamanic States.” American Ethnologist. 10. 10.1525/ ae.1983.10.3.02a00030, 2019: 443 – 459.
5. J. Negro, N. Palladino, M.R. Louza. “Do religious mediumship dissociative experiences conform to the socio-cognitive theory of dissociation?” Journal of Trauma and Dissociation 3(1), 2016: 51-73.
6. Seligman. “From affliction to affirmation: Narrative transformation and the therapeutics of Candomblé Transcultural Psychiatry.” 42(2): 272-294., 2017.

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